CHAPTER XV.

Accession of George I.-Inactivity of the Pretender.-Subversion of the Tories.-Coronation, and Riots.—Exasperated feelings of Political Parties. -De Foe's Treatment by the Whigs.-His Claims to Favour.-Disre garded by the new Government.-Complains of his hard Measure.-Secret History of the White Staff.-Pamphlets produced by it.-Dissolution of Parliament.-Contest of Political Parties.—Atterbury's " English Advice."De Foe's Reply." Hymn to the Mob."-De Foe's Political Life draws to a Close-Reflections upon his Services.-He publishes “ An Appeal to Honour and Justice."-Extracts from the Work, in Defence of his Political Conduct. He is struck with Apoplexy.

1714-1715.

THE accession of George the First took place in a more peaceable manner than was generally expected. Although the measures pursued during the latter years of the queen, and her known sentiments in favour of the Pretender, had given strength to the Jacobite interest, yet, as no decisive step had been taken to change the succession, it was suffered to take its legal course. Upon the first notice of the queen's death, the privy-council assembled, and issued orders for the proclamation of the king, which was performed with the usual solemnities. The suddenness of the event shed a deep gloom over the Jacobites, who had realized triumphs in their imagination, which were now dashed to the ground. Their hopes from the French king were cut off by his acknowledgment of the Elector, and a formal declaration of his intention to keep the peace. The Pretender, instead of appearing im

EXASPERATED FEELINGS OF POLITICAL PARTIES. 377

mediately in England, where he would have found a sufficient number of partizans to embarrass the new government, remained inactive in Lorraine. The impolicy of his conduct was the more glaring, as the new king did not arrive in England until the 18th of September, seven weeks after the death of the queen. But a prince, who had not sufficient courage and enterprize to venture himself for such a stake, under such favourable circumstances, showed a meanness of soul unworthy of a crown, and held out a rebuke to his followers. Although, without the assistance of France, his final success was problematical, yet the prejudice in his favour amongst the Tories, and the assistance he would have derived from the clergy, were sufficient to invite a contest, whatever might have been its result.

One of the most important consequences resulting from a change of dynasty, was the subversion of those political theories which had been hitherto the support of the Tories, but of which they at length grew ashamed; and losing their credit with the people, found refuge only in a few of the clergy. In effecting this change, the character of the new government had a decided influence. Before the arrival of the king, Bolingbroke was dismissed with marks of disgrace; and the other ministers were replaced by persons better affected to the Protestant interest, and more agreeable to the wishes of the nation. The government being now restored to a healthy state, after a long season of turbulence and faction, the coronation was performed with great magnificence upon the 20th of October, and celebrated with demonstrations of joy in most parts of the kingdom. In some few places, indeed, attempts were made to raise mobs and tumults for the church; but they were quickly suppressed by the civil power, which was lampooned in libels and seditious ballads, according to the cant of the former reign. These, however, were but the overflowings of gall from a disappointed party, greedy of the prey that had escaped from its fangs.

378

DE FOE'S CLAIMS TO FAVOUR.

So sudden and complete a revolution could not but affect the fortunes of many individuals, who might be expected to raise a clamorous opposition, which required promptness and energy to counteract. In the exasperated state of political parties, nothing but the severest retaliations were now expected. From the moment of the queen's death, the Whigs considered the day their own, and began to triumph in the fall of their opponents: all their misdeeds were immediately dragged to view; and those who had been the most deeply concerned, were threatened with exemplary punishment. The most unmanly insults were now heaped upon those who were considered in any way accessary to their measures; nor did any escape who had not run the full career of opposition with the Whigs.

From these censures De Foe had no reason to expect an exemption. His connexion with Lord Oxford was alone sufficient to preclude him from the favour of the Whigs, who regarded him, although unjustly, as a political adversary. The moderation he had observed in his writings led them to view him as an object of suspicion; but they were exasperated beyond measure at his opposition to them upon some points to which they bent all their strength against the late ministers; whilst his zeal for liberty, and for the Hanover succession, rendered him equally obnoxious to the Tories and Jacobites. It is not surprising, therefore, that much undeserved abuse was heaped upon him in the publications of the times, by both parties. As he owed every thing to the favour of Lord Oxford, the fall of that minister was the signal of his ruin; for the changes that so quickly succeeded, opened the way to a party that was hostile to his person, and made him responsible for offences which were his greatest abhorrence. The Hanoverian succession had been a just cause of triumph to the Whigs, who were the first to reap its benefits; and it would have been well if they had dropped their political resentments. No writer in the late reign had pleaded

COMPLAINS OF HIS HARD MEASURE.

379

the cause of that succession with greater zeal than De Foe. In a series of pamphlets, argumentative and satirical, he had laid open the designs of the Jacobites, and exposed their sophistry; he had warned his countrymen of the evils they were to expect from a Popish Pretender, and had conjured them to hold fast to the Protestant settlement. Yet, instead of being rewarded for his past services and sufferings, he was discountenanced by the government, and maligned by a party that reaped the benefit of his services. There can be no doubt that he now lost the appointment for which he had been indebted to the fallen minister. Thus, whilst upon public grounds he had reason to congratulate his countrymen upon their recent triumph, such was the untowardness of his own fate, that it was to him productive only of loss and affliction.

Of the hard measure that was now dealt out to him, he thus complains. "No sooner was the queen dead, and the king, as right required, proclaimed, but the rage of men increased upon me to that degree, that the threats and insults I received were such as I am not able to express. If I offered to say a word in favour of the present settlement, it was called fawning and turning round again. On the other hand, though I have meddled neither one way or other, nor written one book since the queen's death, yet a great many things are called by my name, and I bear every day the reproaches which all the answerers of those books cast as well upon the subject as the authors. I have not seen nor spoken to my Lord of Oxford but once since the king's landing, nor received the least message, order, or writing, from his lordship, or any other way corresponded with him; yet he bears the reproach of my writing in his defence, and I the rage of men for doing it. I cannot say it is no affliction to me to be thus used, though my being entirely clear of the fact, is a true support to me.

380

SECRET HISTORY OF THE WHITE STAFF.

The above passage was written some months after the king's arrival, and forms part of an elaborate defence of himself, published in the following year. From his own acknowledgment, it seems that he had sent nothing to the press since the death of the queen; yet a work of some celebrity that now made its appearance, has been commonly ascribed to him, and upon that account, some notice of it may be expected in this place. Boyer, in his "Political State," for October, 1714, says, "by this time, the treasonable design to bring in the Pretender, was manifested to the world by the agent of one of the late managers, De Foe, in his History of the White-Staff. 'The Detection of the Secret History of the White Staff,' which was soon published, confidently tells us, that it was written by De Foe, as is to be seen by his abundance of words, his false thoughts, and his false English." The work thus alluded to by Boyer, is intitled, "The Secret History of the White Staff: being an Account of Affairs under the Conduct of some late Ministers, and of what might probably have happened if her majesty had not died. London: J. Baker, 1714." 8vo. pp. 71. It was followed by a second part, with a similar title, in the same year, and in the following, a third part was added, completing the work; but the author intimates, that many other matters of a public nature still remained undisclosed, although necessary to a complete elucidation of the subject.

Oldmixon, who probably copied Boyer, also ascribes this work to De Foe. "One cannot doubt," says he, "but the Secret History of the White Staff, a pamphlet Foe wrote soon after King George's accession to the throne, was by the Earl of Oxford's direction, and that the most natural hints for it came from him, because the whole treatise is calculated for his vindication; and Foe depended upon him too much to dare to publish any such thing without his participation and consent *." Dr. Hawkesworth and other writers have

* Oldmixon's England, iii. 537.