LECTURE II.

NATIONAL CHURCHES.

POSITIVE ARGUMENT IN THEIR FAVOUR, FROM THE PURPOSES OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT, AND THE GENERAL DISPOSITIONS OF MANKIND WITH RESPECT TO RELIGION.

1 CHRON. xxix. 12, 13.

Both riches and honour come of Thee, and Thou reignest over all; and in Thine hand is power and might; and in Thine hand it is to make great and to give strength unto all. Now, therefore, our God, we thank Thee and praise Thy glorious name.

HAVING thus far maintained that there is nothing in reason or scripture to countenance the opinion that the establishment of Christianity in a nation by state regulations is in itself unlawful, I now advance to higher ground, and shall attempt to shew that there is much both in reason and scripture to support the contrary proposition,-that a national establishment is both lawful and expedient. And this I propose to do on three several grounds; first, the

very purposes for which civil government was instituted in the world; secondly, the universal tendencies of our fallen nature with respect to religion; and thirdly, the declarations of holy writ, both as to the general course of the divine dispensations, and the express duty of Christians on this most important subject.

The two former will suffice for discussion in the present Lecture; but though I reserve the testimony of scripture for future consideration, and now appeal rather to reason and observation, I should do dishonour to the word of God did I not pause to point out, how exactly, in the memorable instance to which the text refers, as indeed every where, the suggestions of reason and observation coincide with the directions of God himself. David lived under a dispensation, the genius of which was minute direction, leaving little to human discretion in the application of its rules; he had witnessed too the most awful instances of divine vengeance against officious and unwarranted meddling, even for the protection of the ark of God; yet he dreads no excess on the side of affectionate and reverential anxiety, that its situation, when his kingdom was in a settled state and his regal authority undisputed, should be such as might best betoken his gratitude to Him from whose help his prosperity was derived, and give to the rites of His worship the most commanding influence in the eyes of his subjects.

It was the impulse of natural reason, exercised in calm reflection on the duties of a king to his God and his people, irrespective of all command, and

of all that was peculiar to the Jewish dispensation, which led him, when sitting in his house, after God had given him rest round about from all his enemies, to say self-reproachfully to the prophet Nathan, "See now, I dwell in an house of cedar, but the ark of God dwelleth within curtains;" and to give no sleep to his eyes nor slumber to his eyelids, till he had found a fit place for the Lord, a fit habitation for the mighty God of Jacob.-It was the same impulse which prompted him, when assured of God that it was well the desire was in his heart though another should build the house, to divide the courses of the priests, that the public worship and public instruction might be most regularly and solemnly observed; and to summon a solemn convention of the princes and people, that they might co-operate with him collectively and nationally in the work of preparation.—It was the same impulse of enlightened reason, sublimed to devotion by the visible tokens of their unity and liberality, that dictated the exultant strains of thanksgiving, of which the text forms a part: "Thine O Lord is the greatness, and the power, and the glory, and the victory, and the majesty for all that is in the heavens and the earth is Thine. Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and Thou art exalted as head above all. Both riches and honour come of Thee, and Thou reignest over all; and in Thine hand is power and might; and in Thine hand it is to make great and give strength unto all."-From Thee we derive every national and personal distinction; every opportunity in our several offices and gradations of

promoting thy glory." Now, therefore, our God, we thank Thee;"-by our united efforts for the establishment of thy worship, we thank Thee;-" and bless and praise thy glorious name."

Under the shelter then of so high an example, we argue the expedience and lawfulness of an establishment of Christianity by the state.

I. First, from the very purposes for which the state exists. Men are assembled in society and placed under the control of laws and rulers for their mutual protection and benefit; and the civil magistrate bears the sword-" for the punishment of evil doers, and the praise of those who do well." It is his province, whatever be the name he bears, and the subordinate distinctions of authority in various communities, to adopt such measures as shall best tend to restrain the passions of the violent; to secure to the peaceable the quiet enjoyment of the gifts of Providence, the fruits of their talents and industry; and to produce the greatest possible degree of happiness among all classes of his subjects. Guided, therefore by the light of nature alone,-on the lowest possible estimate of his office,-supposing that it has nothing to do but with the things of time, virtuous principles, for their present use, will be the object of his encouragement, and his utmost anxiety will be, so to work on the hopes and fears of his people, as to bring these most effectually to bear on their general habits and feelings.-Thus taught by the light of nature, by the mere appetite for ease and a peaceful sway, a law is made known to him

which lays its restraints on the heart, as well as the act, on the secret intentions, as well as the outward conduct; which clasps close the social compact, and confirms its union by the highest imaginable motives; which affrights its violator, not by the forfeiture of natural life, of which he may be reckless, but by the loss of life eternal; not by the dread of temporary pain, to which he may be callous, but by the horror of eternal torments. Shall he then, while he strains his invention for expedients of government which at best can but partially accomplish his object, be indifferent to the promulgation of this royal law, which, should it prevail universally, would banish all evil, and diffuse universal good? Shall he assign to his judges their circuits, divide his dominions among sheriffs and magistrates, and apportion to each his sphere of labour, his due gradation of honour and reward; yet, assign no circuit, no district, no mark of favour, no portion of labour or reward, to the Christian pastor? Shall he delve his dungeons, fortify his castles, erect his gibbets, and leave schools, and colleges, and churches, to rise or fall at the will of the passing generation? Shall he bend all his thoughts on the punishment, and none on the prevention of crime? Surely, on the low ground we have taken as to the purposes of civil government, the schemes of Numa, of Mahomet, of all the crafty politicians, who, as a mere engine of state, have interwoven the sanctions of religion with their civil institutions, and so done homage to the influence of true religion by their anxiety to counterfeit its image and superscription,