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and, in a fingle breath, to oblige the former to yield full and entire obedience to the latter. His very name alone was to work miracles. And what has been done by this adminiftration? Hath any one step been taken to fecure the authority of the mother country over her colonies? Have any of the commerical interefts been, in the fmailett degree, attended to? Has not even all the common official bufinefs, relating to America, been neglected? And are not, to this day, above ninety thousand of the king's fubjects in Canada without any code or fyftem of law by which they ought to be governed?

By thefe fhort remarks you will fee, and, if you will pleafe to print them in your Regifter, the Public will alfo fee that thofe puffers for the adminiftration are never fo unkind to their mafters, as when they are daubing them with falfe and fulfome panegyric, which never fails to expofe them to the feverity and cenfure of men, much better informed than themselves.

I am, SIR,

Your Friend and humble Servant

A Member of the Houfe of Commons.

For the POLITICAL REGISTER,

SIR,

Relying on the impartiality which you profess in the advertisement to your work, I have fent you the following interefting and authentic paper, to be published in the fifth number & your Political Register. And am, Sir, your friend,

And humble fervant.

L-C's Speech on the declaratory Bill of the Sovereigns of Great Britain over the Colonies.

HEN I fpoke laft on this fubject, I thought I

W delivered my fentiments fo fully, and fupported thự

with fuch reafons, and fuch authorities, that I apprehend

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I fhould be under no neceffity of troubling your again. But I am now compelled to rife up, and to beg your further indulgence: I find that I have been very injuriously treated; have been confidered as the broacher of new-fangled doctrines, contrary to the laws of this kingdom, and fubverfive of the rights of p--t. this is a heavy charge, but more fo when made against one ftationed as I am in both capacities, as P- and J-, the defender of the law and the conftitution. When I fpoke laft, I was indeed replied to, but not answered. In the intermediate time, many things have been faid. As I was not prefent, I must now beg leave to answer fuch as have come to my knowledge. As the affair is of the utmost importance, and in its confequences may involve the fate of kingdoms, I took the ftricteft review of my arguments; I re-examined all my authorities; fully determined if I found myself mistaken, publickly to own my mistake, and give up my opinion but my fearches have more and more convinced me, that the B-▬ p▬▬▬ have no right to tax the A-s. I fhall not therefore confider the declaratory bill now lying on your t-e; for to what purpose, but lofs of time, to confider the particulars of, the very exiftence of which is illegal, abfolutely illegal, contrary to the fundamental laws of nature, contrary to the fundamental laws of this conftitution? a conftitution grounded on the eternal and immutable laws of nature; a conftitution whofe foundation and center is liberty, which fends liberty to every fubject that is or may happen to be within any part of its ample circumference. Nor, is the doctrine new, 'tis as old as the conftitution; it grew up with it, indeed it is its fupport; taxation and reprefentation are infeperably united; God hath joined them, no B- p▬▬ can feperate them; to endeavour to do it, is to ftab our very vitals. Nor is this the first time this doctrine has been mentioned; feventy years ago, -, a pamphlet was published, recommending the levying a parliamentary tax on one of the colonies; this pamphlet was anfwered by two others, then much read; thefe totally deny the power of taxing the colonies: and why? becaufe the colonies had no reprefentatives in parliament to give confent; no anfwer, public or private, was given to thefe pamphlets, no cenfure paffed upon them; men were not ftartled at the doctrine, as either new or illegal, or derogatory to the rights of p. I do not mention thefe pamphlets by way of authority, but to vindicate myfelf from the imputation of having first broached this doctrine.

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My pofition is this-I repeat it-I will maintain it to my laft hour, taxation and reprefentation are infeparable ;-this pofition is founded on the laws of nature; it is more, it is itself an eternal law of nature; for whatever is a man's own, is abfolutely his own; no man hath a right to take it from him without his confent, either expreffed by himself or reprefentative; whoever attempts to do it, attempts an injury; whoever does it, commits a robbery, he throws down and deftroys the diftinction between liberty and flavery. Taxation and representation are coeval with and effential to this conftitution. I wifh the maxim of Machiavel was followed, that of examining a conftitution, at certain periods, according to its first principles; this would correct abuses and supply defects. I wish the times would bear it, and that mens minds were cool enough to enter upon fuch a task, and that the representative authority of this kingdom was more equally fettled. I am fure fome hiftories, of late published, have done great mischief; to endeavour to fix the Æra when the house of cgan in this kingdom, is a moft pernicious and deftructive attempt; to fix it in an Edward's or Henry's reign, is owing to the idle dreams of fome whimfical, ill-judging antiquarians: but, this is a point too important to be left to fuch wrong-headed people. When did the h of c-s firft begin? when -- -?it began with the conftitution, it grew up with the conftitution; there is not a blade of grafs growing in the moft obfcure corner of this kingdom, which is not, which was not ever reprefented fince the conftitution began; there is not a blade of grafs, which, when taxed, was not taxed by the confent of the proprietor. There is a history written by one Carte, a hiftory that moft people now fee through; and there is another favourite hiftory, much read and admired. I will not name the author, your muft know whom I mean, and you must know from whence he pilfered his notions, concerning the first beginning of the hof c-s. I challenge any one to point out the the time when any tax was laid upon any perfon by p that perfon being unreprefented in p▬▬▬. The p-- laid a tax upon the palatinate of Chester, and ordered commiffioners to collect it there; as commiffioners were ordered to collect in other counties; but the palatinate refused to comply; they addrefled the king by petition, fetting forth, that the English p--- had no right to tax them, that they had a parliament of their own, that they had always taxed themfelves, and therefore defired the king to order his commiffioners

miffioners not to proceed. the king received the petition; he did not declare them either feditious or rebellious, but allowed their plea, and they taxed themfelves. Your

--may fee both the petion and the king's anfwer in the records in the Tower. The clergy taxed themselves: when the pattempted to tax them, they ftoutly refused; faid they were not reprefented there; that they had a parliament of their own, which reprefented the clergy; that they would tax themselves: they did fo. Much ftrefs has been laid upon Wales, before it was united as it now is, as if the king, ftanding in the place of their former princes of that country, raifed money by his own authority: but the real fact is otherwife; for I find that, long before Wales was fubdued, the northern counties of that principality had reprefentatives and a parliament or affembly. As to Ireland, -, before that kingdom had a p as it now has, if your will examine the old records, you will find, that when a tax was to be laid on that country, the Irish sent over here reprefentatives; and the fame records will inform your what wages those representatives received from their conftituents. In fhort, my from the whole of our hiftory, from the earliest period, you will find that taxation and representation were always united; fo true are the words of that confummate reafoner and politician Mr. Locke. I before alluded to his book; I have again consulted him; and finding what he writes fo applicable to the fubject in hand, and fo much in favour of my fentiments, I beg your · leave to read a lit

tle of his book.

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"The fupreme power cannot take from any man, any part of his property, without his own confent ;" and B. II. p. 136 -139, particularly 140. Such are the words of this great man, and which are well worth your ferious attention. His principles are drawn from the heart of our constitution, which he thoroughly understood, and will Jaft as long as that fhall laft; and, to his immortal honour, I know not to what, under providence, the revolution and all its happy effects, are more owing than to the principles of government laid down by Mr Locke. For these reasons, I can never

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give my affent to any bill for taxing the Awhile they remain unreprefented; for as to the diftinction of a virtual representation, it is fo abfurd as not to deserve an anfwer;. I therefore pafs it over with contempt. The forefathers of the A did not leave their native country, and fubject themselves to every danger and diftrefs, to be reduced to a state of flavery: they did not give up their rights;

they

they looked for protection, and not for chains, from their mo ther country by her they expected to be defended in the poffeffion of their property, and not to be deprived of it: for, fhouldthe present power continue, there is nothing which they can call their own; or, to use the words of Mr. Locke, "What property have they in that, which another may, by right, take, when he pleases, to himself."

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Continuation of the Remarks on the British Government.
[See Page 8.]

HE tools of ministers may fay or write what they please as to the infignificancy and uncertainty of what is called the voice of the people, when they are not able to corrupt or filence it but the people of England, while they remain free, will always know their own importance and they must be Satisfied. That was the language held in parliament when it was ftruggling against the favourites who inclofed the throne in the reign of Charles the IId: A very different ftile from what is now talked, when attempts are made to perfuade us that the people are nothing, and have no voice. Their cries do reach the throne; and when they become loud enough, which will not readily happen without fome real cause, the ftouteft minifter about it must bend to them. If parliaments shall ever become too obfequious to the court, it must be the voice of the people that will fave the conftitution; and it will be able to do it, fo long as the people choose their reprefentatives. Minifters will always find, that the confidence of the public is the fureft foundation of their power. It cannot be otherwife while the great fprings of government continue in the people, and in thofe elected by them. Prerogative is the very worst bottom the miniftry can ftand upon; and experience has fhewn how dongerous it is in this country for princes to allow themselves to be captivated with high notions of it, or for minifters to act upon them.

It requires but a little attention to the nature of human affairs to perceive, that the power and influence of the crown is more apt to increase than diminish even in the best reigns; and in proportion as thefe gain ground, the fecurities of national liberty are weakened. But it is as natural for liberty to be jealous, as it is for power to be tenacious; and open attempts

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