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infirmities: a law which does not go upon the | am upon my station,"-"if they molest me upon absurd supposition, that men are stocks and stones; or that in the fervor of the blood, a man can act with the deliberation and judgment of a philosopher. No! gentlemen;-the law supposes that a principle of resentment, for wise and obvious reasons, is deeply implanted in the human heart; and not to be eradicated by the efforts of State policy. It, therefore, in some degree, conforms itself to all the workings of the | passions, to which it pays a great indulgence, so far as not to be wholly incompatible with the wisdom, good order, and the very being of government.

Keeping, therefore, this full in view, let us take once more a very brief and cursory survey of matters supported by the evidence. And here let me ask sober reason—What language more opprobrious? What actions more exasperating, than those used on this occasion? Words, I am sensible, are no justification of blows, but they serve as the grand clues to discover the temper and the designs of the agents; they serve also to give us light in discerning the apprehensions and thoughts of those who are the objects of abuse.

"You lobster," "you bloody-back," "you coward," and "you dastard," are but some of the expressions proved. What words more galling? What more cutting and provoking to a soldier? To be reminded of the color of his garb, by which he was distinguished from the rest of his fellow-citizens; to be compared to the most despicable animal that crawls upon the earth, was touching indeed a tender point. To be stigmatized with having smarted under the lash, at the halbert, to be twitted with so infamous an ignominy; which was either wholly undeserved, or a grievance which should never have been repeated;-I say to call up and awaken sensations of this kind, must sting even to madness. But accouple these words with the succeeding actions,-"You dastard," "you coward! A soldier and a coward! This was touching (with a witness) "the point of honor, and the pride of virtue." But while these are as yet fomenting the passions, and swelling the bosom, the attack is made; and probably the latter words were reiterated at the onset; at least, were yet sounding in the ear. Gentlemen of the jury, for heaven's sake, let us put ourselves in the same situation! Would you not spurn at that spiritless institution of society, which tells you to be a subject at the expense of your manhood!

But does the soldier step out of his ranks to seek his revenge? Not a witness pretends it. Did not the people repeatedly come within the points of their bayonets, and strike on the muzzles of the guns? You have heard the wit

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my post, I will fire." "By God, I will fire!" "Keep off!" These were words likely to produce reflection and procure peace. But had the words on the other hand a similar tendency? Consider the temper prevalent among all parties at this time. Consider the then situation of the soldiery; and come to the heat and pressure of the action. The materials are laid, the spark is raised, the fire enkindles, the flame rages, the understanding is in wild disorder, all prudence and true wisdom are utterly consumed. Does common sense, does the law expect impossibilities? Here, to expect equanimity of temper, would be as irrational as to expect discretion in a madman. But was any thing done on the part of the assailants, similar to the conduct, warnings, and declarations of the prisoners? Answer, for yourselves, gentlemen! The words reiterated all around, stabbed to the heart;-the actions of the assailants tended to a worse end; to awaken every passion of which the human breast is susceptible; fear, anger, pride, resentment, revenge, alternately take possession of the whole man. expect, under these circumstances, that such words would assuage the tempest, that such actions would allay the flames;-you might, as rationally, expect the inundations of a torrent would suppress a deluge; or rather that the flames of Etna would extinguish a conflagration!

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Prepare, gentlemen of the jury, now to attend to that species of law, which will adapt itself to this trial, with all its singular and aggravating circumstances. A law full of benignity, full of compassion, replete with mercy.

And here, gentlemen, I must, agreeable to the method we formerly adopted, first tell you by what law the prisoners are not to be tried, or condemned. And they most certainly are not to be tried by the Mosaic law: a law, we take it, peculiarly designed for the government of a peculiar nation, who being in a great measure under a theocratical form of government, its institutions cannot, with any propriety, be adduced for our regulation in these days. It is with pain, therefore, I have observed any endeavor to mislead our judgment on this occasion; by drawing our attention to the precepts delivered in the days of Moses; and by disconnected passages of Scriptures, applied in a manner foreign to their original design or import, there seems to have been an attempt to touch some peculiar sentiments, which we know are thought to be prevalent: and in this way, we take it, an injury is likely to be done, by giving the mind a bias, it ought never to have received; because it is not warranted by our laws.

We have heard it publicly said of late, oftener than formerly, "Whosoever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed." This is plainly, gentlemen, a general rule which, like all others of the kind, must have its exceptions. A rule which if taken in its strict literal lati

tude would imply, that a man killing another in self-defence, would incur the pains of death. A doctrine which no man in his senses would ever embrace; a doctrine that certainly never prevailed under the Mosaical institution. For we find the Jews had their six cities of refuge, to which the man-slayer might flee, from the avenger of blood; and something analogous to this (if it did not originate from it) is our benefit of clergy.

And so, that "the murderer shall flee to the pit," comes under the same consideration. And when we hear it asked, as it very lately has been "who dare stay him?" I answer, if the laws of our country stay him, you ought to do likewise; and every good subject dares to do what the law allows. But the very position is begging the question; for the question now in issue is, whether either of the prisoners is a murderer, in the sense of our laws? for you recollect, that what is murder and what not, is a question of law, arising upon facts stated and allowed.

But to go on: "You shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, which is guilty of death." Here again is a begging of the question; and moreover, the words, "guilty of death," if rightly rendered from the original, must be one of those general rules I just now mentioned, which always have their exceptions. But these words seem to be wrongly translated; for in the margin of our great Bible, we find them rendered "faulty to die." Against a position of this kind we have no objection. If we have committed a fault, on which our laws inflict punishment of death, we must suffer. But what fault we have committed, you are to inquire or rather you, gentlemen, are to find the facts proved in Court against us, and the judges are to see and consider what the law pronounces touching our offence, and what punishment is thereby inflicted as a penalty.

In order to come at the whole law resulting from the facts which have been proved, we must inquire into the legality of the assemblies. For such is the wisdom and policy of the law, that if any assembly be lawful, each individual of that assembly is answerable only for his own act, and not for any other. On the contrary, if an assembly be unlawful, the act of any one of the company, to the particular purpose of assembling, is chargeable on all. This is law which no lawyer will dispute: it is a law founded in the security of the peace of society, and however little considered by people in general, it ought now steadily to be kept in mind.

Was the assembly of the soldiers lawful?
For what did the soldiers assemble?

Was the sentinel insulted and attacked?

Was this last assembly lawful?

Was any thing done by this unlawful assembly, that will in law justify, excuse, or extenuate, the offence of killing, so as to reduce it to manslaughter?

Was the killing justifiable; or rather was it justifiable self-defence?

Was the killing excusable; or rather was it self-defence, culpable-but through the benignity of the law excusable?

Was the killing felonious: if felonious, was it with or without malice?

Under each of these heads of inquiry, in their order, Mr. Quincy arranged his arguments: and as he separated and compared, and settled the facts, he applied the law with explanatory comments. After which, he concluded his argument as follows:

MAY IT PLEASE your Honors, and you, GenTLEMEN OF THE JURY: I have now gone through those authorities in law, which I thought pertinent to this trial. I have been thus lengthy, not for the information of the Court, but to satisfy you gentlemen, and all who may chance to hear me, of that law, which is well known to those of us, who are conversant in courts, but not so generally known or attended to by many, as it ought to be-a law which extends to each of us, as well as to any of the prisoners; for it knows no distinction of persons.

And the doctrines which have been thus laid down are for the safeguard of us all. Doctrines which are founded in the wisdom and policy of ages; which the greatest men who ever lived, have adopted and contended for. Nay, the matter has been carried by very wise men, much further than we have contested for. And that you may not think the purport of the authorities read are the rigid notions of a dry system, and the contracted decisions of municipal law, I beg leave to read to you a passage from a very great theoretic writer-a man whose praises have resounded through all the known world, and probably will through all ageswhose sentiments are as free air, and who has done as much for learning, liberty, and mankind, as any of the sons of Adam—I mean the sagacious Mr. Locke. He will tell you gentlemen, in his Essay on Government, "That all manner of force without right, puts man in a state of war with the aggressor; and of consequence, that being in such a state of war, he may lawfully kill him who put him under this unnatural restraint." According to this doctrine, we should have nothing to do but inquire whether here was "force without right?" if so, we were in such a state, as rendered it law

Did he call for assistance, and did the party ful to kill the aggressor, who put us under so go to assist him?

Was it lawful for them so to do?

Were the soldiers when thus lawfully assembled, assaulted, &c., by a great number of people assembled, &c.?

unnatural a restraint.

Few, I believe, will say, after hearing all this evidence, that we were under no "unnatural restraint." But we don't want to extend matters so far. We cite this author to show the

world, that the greatest friends to their coun- | circumstances, placed a confidence it was my try, to universal liberty, and the immutable rights of all men, have held tenets and advanced maxims more favorable to the prisoners at the bar. And although we should not adopt the sentiments of Mr. Locke, in their most extensive latitude, yet there seems to be something very analogous to his opinion, which is countenanced in our laws.

There is a spirit which pervades the whole system of English jurisprudence, which inspires & freedom of thought, speech, and behavior. Under a form of government like ours, it would be in vain to expect that pacific, timid, obsequious, and servile temper, so predominant in more despotic governments. From our happy constitution there results its very natural effects an impatience of injuries, and a strong resentment of insults: (and a very wise man has said, "He who tamely beareth insults inviteth injuries.") Hence, I take it, that attention to the "feelings of humanity," to "humanity and imperfection," "the infirmities of flesh and blood;" that attention to "the indelible rights of mankind;" that lenity to "the passions of men;" that "benignity and condescension of the law," so often repeated in our books.

And, indeed, if this were not the case, the genius of our civil constitution, and the spirit of our municipal law would be repugnant: that prime defect in any political system-that grand solecism in State policy.

GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY: This cause has taken up much of your time, and is likely to take up so much more, that I must hasten to a close. Indeed, I should not have troubled you, by being thus lengthy, but from a sense of duty to the prisoners; they, who, in some sense, may be said to have put their lives in my hands; they, whose situation was so peculiar, that we have necessarily taken up more time than ordinary cases require. They, under all these

duty not to disappoint; and which I have aimed at discharging with fidelity. I trust you, gentlemen, will do the like; that you will examine and judge with a becoming temper of mind; remembering that they who are under oath to declare the whole truth, think and act very differently from by-standers, who, being under no ties of this kind, take a latitude, which is by no means admissible in a court of law.

I cannot close this cause better, than by desiring you to consider well the genius and spirit of the law, which will be laid down, and to govern yourselves by this great standard of truth. To some purposes, you may be said, gentlemen, to be ministers of justice; and ministers," says a learned judge, "appointed for the ends of public justice, should have written on their hearts the solemn engagements of his majesty, at his coronation, to cause law and justice in mercy to be executed in all his judgments."

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"The quality of mercy is not strained;

It droppeth like the gentle rain from heaven-
It is twice blessed;

It blesses him that gives, and him that takes." I leave you, gentlemen, hoping you will be directed in your inquiry and judgment, to a right discharge of your duty. We shall all of us, gentlemen, have an hour of cool reflection; when the feelings and agitations of the day shall have subsided; when we shall view things through a different and a much juster medium. It is then we all wish an absolving conscience. May you, gentlemen, now act such a part, as will hereafter ensure it; such a part as may occasion the prisoners to rejoice. May the blessing of those who were in jeopardy of life come upon you-may the blessing of Him who is "not faulty to die," descend and rest upon you and your posterity.

BENJAMIN RUSH, M. D.

THE ancestors of Doctor Rush, belonged to the society of Quakers, and emigrated to America under the auspices of William Penn, as early as the year 1683. James Rush, his grandfather, whose occupation was that of a gunsmith, resided on his estate near Philadelphia, and died in the year 1727. His son John, the father of the subject of the present sketch, became possessed of both his trade and his farm, and was distinguished for his industry and an ardent love of agricultural pursuits. He died while his son was but a child, and left him to the care of an affectionate and pious mother. Under her guardianship he received those impressions of religious sentiment, which were so conspicuous through the whole course of his life. In a letter, written a short time previous to his death, he thus expresses the sense of obligation he felt for the early impressions of piety he had received from his parents:-"I have acquired and received nothing from the world, which I prize so highly as the religious principles I inherited from them; and I possess nothing that I value so much as the innocence and purity of their characters."

Doctor Rush was a native of Pennsylvania, and was born on his father's estate, on the twenty-fourth of December, 1745. At the age of nine years he was placed by his mother under the tuition of his maternal uncle, the Rev. Doctor Finley, a man of high literary attainments, and subsequently, President of the college of New Jersey. In this position he remained five years, after which he was removed to college, where he soon became distinguished for his capability, his uncommon progress in his studies, and especially for his eloquence in declamation. During his stay in college he gained the friendship and esteem of all around him, and graduated with honor, and the best wishes of his teachers and classmates.

Having determined to devote his life to the profession of medicine, he commenced a course of study under the direction of Doctor John Redman, at that time an eminent practitioner in the city of Philadelphia. After pursuing his studies in this office, with industry and great enthusiasm for six years, he entered the medical university of Edinburgh, where he received the full benefit of the lectures of the celebrated professors, Munro, Gregory, Black and Cullen; and, in 1768, received the degree of doctor of medicine. From Edinburgh he proceeded to London, where he spent a few months, in attendance upon the hospitals of that city, and in the spring of 1769, having visited Paris, he returned to his native country, and immediately entered upon the practice of his profession. A short time after, he was elected a professor in the medical school, which had then been recently established, by the laudable exertions of Doctors Bond, Morgan, Shippen and Kuhn. In the year 1789, he was chosen the successor of Doctor Morgan to the chair of the theory and practice of physic; and in 1791, upon an union being effected between the college of Philadelphia and the university of Pennsylvania, was appointed professor of the institutes of medicine and clinical practice. On the resignation of the learned and venerable Doctor Kuhn, in 1805, he was chosen to the united professorships of the theory and practice of physic and of clinical medicine, in which station he remained until the close of his life.

At an early period of his life, Doctor Rush made himself acquainted with the political sit

uation of his country. On the commencement of hostilities between the Colonies and Great Britain, he decided in favor of liberty, and became a firm and energetic opposer of British tyranny, and supporter of equal rights. Associating with all classes through the medium of his profession, his influence was extensive, useful and salutary. In 1776 he was chosen a member of the Continental Congress, and signed the Declaration of Independence. The following year he was appointed physician-general of the military hospital for the middle department, and rendered great service during the whole of the Revolution. In 1787 he was a member of the convention from Pennsylvania for the adoption of the Federal Constitution. The same year he published the Address to the People of the United States.

After the establishment of the Federal Government, he withdrew from public life, and devoted himself to the practice of his profession, and the duties of social life. The only office he accepted, as a reward for his many services, was the presidency of the Mint, which position he retained for fourteen years. He was the author of numerous literary, moral and philosophical essays, and several volumes on medical science; among which are his Medical Inquiries and Observations, and a History of the Yellow Fever. His attachment to his profession was remarkable. Speaking of his approaching dissolution, he said, "When that time shall come, I shall relinquish many attractions to life, and among them a pleasure, which to me, has no equal in human pursuits; I mean that which I derive from studying, teaching, and practising medicine."

Added to the numerous duties of his profession and the various benevolent associations with which he was connected, Doctor Rush was president of the American Society for the Abolition of Slavery, vice-president of the Philadelphia Bible Society, president of the Philadelphia Medical Society, one of the vice-presidents of the American Philosophical Society, and a member of several other institutions both in Europe and America. Wherever he could be useful by counsel, influence or action, he was sure to be found. "The virtues of his heart," says his biographer, "like the faculties of his mind, were in continued exercise for the benefit of his fellow-men. While the numerous humane, charitable, and religious associations of Philadelphia, bear testimony to the philanthropy and piety which animated the bosom of their departed benefactor; let it be remembered, that as with the good Samaritan, the poor were the objects of his peculiar care; and that in the latter, and more prosperous years of his life, one-seventh of his income was expended upon the children of affliction and want.-Dr. Boerhaave said of the poor, that they were his best patients, because God was their paymaster.-Let it also be recorded, that the last act of Doctor Rush was an act of charity, and that the last expression which fell from his lips was an injunction to his son, "Be indulgent to the poor."* He died on the nineteenth of April, 1813.

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.

This address was written by Doctor Rush, | and published in the year 1787, previous to the meeting of the Federal Convention,

There is nothing more common than to confound the terms of American revolution with those of the late American war. The American war is over: but this is far from being the case with the American revolution. On the contrary, nothing but the first act of the great drama is closed. It remains yet to establish and perfect our new forms of government: and

* Doctor David Hosack's Discourse, at the College of Physicians and Surgeons, New York, 1818.

to prepare the principles, morals, and manners of our citizens, for these forms of government, after they are established and brought to perfection.

The confederation, together with most of our State constitutions, were formed under very unfavorable circumstances. We had just emerged from a corrupted monarchy. Although we understood perfectly the principles of liberty, yet most of us were ignorant of the forms and combinations of power in republics. Add to this, the British army was in the heart of our country, spreading desolation wherever it went: our resentments, of course, were awakened. We detested the British name, and unfortu

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