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formed it. It is therefore injustice and cruelty | such a period will never come?"-No! THE
to our offspring, and would stamp us with the
character of baseness and cowardice, to leave
the salvation of this country to be worked out
by them with accumulated difficulty and dan-
ger.

Prejudice, I confess, may warp our judgments. Let us hear the decision of Englishmen on this subject, who cannot be suspected of partiality "The Americans," say they, "are but little short of half our number. To this number they have grown from a small body of original settlers by a very rapid increase. The probability is that they will go on to increase, and that in 50 or 60 years, they will be double our number; and form a mighty empire, consisting of a variety of States, all equal or superior to ourselves in all the arts and accomplishments which give dignity and happiness to human life. In that period will they be still bound to acknowledge that supremacy over them which we now claim? Can there be any person who will assert this, or whose mind does not revolt at the idea of a vast continent, holding all that is valuable to it, at the discretion of a handful of people on the other side the Atlantic? But if at that period this would be unreasonable, what makes it otherwise now? Draw the line if you can. But there is still a greater difficulty."

PERIOD, COUNTRYMEN, IS ALREADY COME. The calamities were at our door. The rod of oppression was raised over us. We were roused from our slumbers, and may we never sink into repose until we can convey a clear and undisputed inheritance to our posterity. This day we are called upon to give a glorious exam:ple of what the wisest and best of men were rejoiced to view, only in speculation. This day presents the world with the most august spectacle that its annals ever unfolded. Millions of freemen, deliberately and voluntarily forming themselves into a society for their common defence and common happiness. Immortal spirits of Hampden, Locke, and Sidney! will it not add to your benevolent joys to behold your posterity rising to the dignity of men, and evincing to the world the reality and expedi ency of your systems, and in the actual enjoy. ments of that equal liberty, which you were happy, when on earth, in delineating and recommending to mankind!

Other nations have received their laws from conquerors; some are indebted for a constitution to the sufferings of their ancestors through revolving centuries. The people of this country, alone, have formally and deliberately chosen a government for themselves, and with open and uninfluenced consent, bound themselves into a social compact. Here, no man proclaims his birth or wealth as a title to hon

vice with the name of hereditary authority. He who has most zeal and ability to promote public felicity, let him be the servant of the public. This is the only line of distinction drawn by nature. Leave the bird of night to the obscurity for which nature intended him, and expect only from the eagle to brush the clouds with his wings, and look boldly in the face of the sun.

Some who would persuade us that they have tender feelings for future generations, while they are insensible to the happiness of the present, are perpetually foreboding a train of dissentions under our popular system. Such men's reasoning amounts to this give up all that is valuable to Great Britain, and then you will have no inducements to quarrel among yourselves; or suffer yourselves to be chained down by your enemies, that you may not be able to fight with your friends.†

"Britain is now, I will suppose, the seat of lib- | erty and virtue, and its legislature consists of a body of able and independent men, who governorable distinction, or to sanctify ignorance and with wisdom and justice. The time may come when all will be reversed; when its excellent constitution of government will be subverted; when pressed by debts and taxes, it will be greedy to draw to itself an increase of revenue from every distant province, in order to ease its own burdens; when the influence of the crown, strengthened by luxury and an universal profligacy of manners, will have tainted every heart, broken down every fence of liberty, and rendered us a nation of tame and contented vassals; when a general election will be nothing but a general auction of boroughs, and when the Parliament, the grand council of the nation, and once the faithful guardian of the state, and a terror to evil ministers, will be degenerated into a body of sycophants, dependent and venal, always ready to confirm any measures, and little more than a public court for registering royal edicts. Such, it is possible, may, some time or other, be the state of Great Britain. What will at that period be the duty of the colonies? Will they be still bound to unconditional submission? Must they always continue an appendage to our government, and follow it implicitly through every change that can happen to it? Wretched condition indeed, of millions of freemen as good as ourselves! Will you say that we now govern equitably, and that there is no danger of such revolution? Would to God that this were true. But will you not always say the same? Who shall judge whether we govern equitably or not? Can you give the colonies any security that

* A celebrated foreigner gives us a very just description of the methods by which eminence is generally acquired in monarchies. "One makes a fortune because he can cringe,

another because he can lie; this man because he seasonably dishonors himself; that, because he betrays his friend; but the surest means to mount as high as Alberoni, is to offer, like him, ragouts of mushrooms to the Duke of Vendome, and there are Vendomes every where. They who are called great, have generally no other ascendency over us but what our weakness permits them, or what our meanness gives them.”

From the absurd reasonings of some men we may con clude that they are of opinion, that all free governments are

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This is an insult on your virtue as well as your common sense. Your unanimity this day and through the course of the war, is a decisive refutation of such invidious predictions. Our enemies have already had evidence that our present constitution contains in it the justice and ardor of freedom, and the wisdom and vigor of the most absolute system. When the law is the will of the people, it will be uniform and coherent; but fluctuation, contradiction, and inconsistency of councils must be expected under those governments where every revolution in the ministry of a court produces one in the State. Such being the folly and pride of all ministers, that they ever pursue measures directly opposite to those of their predecessors. We shall neither be exposed to the necessary convulsions of elective Monarchies, nor to the want of wisdom, fortitude, and virtue, to which hereditary succession is liable. In your hands it will be to perpetuate a prudent, active and just legislature, and which will never expire until you yourselves lose the virtues which give it existence.

And, brethren and fellow-countrymen, if it was ever granted to mortals to trace the designs of Providence, and interpret its manifestations in favor of their cause, we may, with humility of soul, cry out, Not unto us, not unto us, but to thy Name be the praise. The confusion of the devices among our enemies, and the rage of the elements against them, have done almost as much towards our success as either our councils or our arms.

The time at which this attempt on our liberties was made, when we were ripened into maturity, had acquired a knowledge of war, and were free from the incursions of enemies in this country, the gradual advances of our oppressors enabling us to prepare for our defence, the unusual fertility of our lands and clemency of the seasons, the success which at first attended our feeble arms, producing unanimity among our friends and reducing our internal foes to acquiescense-these are all strong and palpable marks and assurances, that Providence is yet

equally liable to convulsions, but the differences that are in the constitution and genius of popular governments are astonishingly great, some being for defence, some for increase, some more equal, others more unequal; some turbulent and seditious, others like streams in a perpetual tranquillity.

That which causeth much sedition in a commonwealth is inequality, as in Rome where the Senate oppressed the people. But if a commonwealth be perfectly equal, it is void of sedition, and has attained to perfection, being void of all internal causes of dissolution. Many ancient moral writers,

Cicero in particular, have said, that a well constituted commonwealth is immortal-Eterna est. An equal commonwealth is a government founded upon a balance which is

perfectly popular, and which from the balance, through the free suffrage of the people given by ballot, amounts, in the

superstructures, to a Senate debating and proposing, a repre

sentative of the people resolving, and a magistracy execut

ing; each of these three orders being upon rotation, that is, elected for certain terms, enjoining like intervals.-Vide Harrington.

gracious unto Zion, that it will turn away the captivity of Jacob.

Our glorious reformers when they broke through the fetters of superstition, effected more than could be expected from an age so darkened. But they left much to be done by their posterity. They lopped off, indeed, some of the branches of popery, but they left the root and stock when they left us under the domination of human systems and decisions, usurping the infallibility which can be attributed to Revelation alone. They dethroned one usurper only to raise up another; they refused allegiance to the Pope, only to place the civil magistrate in the throne of Christ, vested with authority to enact laws, and inflict penalties in his kingdom. And if we now cast our eyes. over the nations of the earth we shall find, that instead of possessing the pure religion of the gospel, they may be divided either into infidels who deny the truth, or politicians who make religion a stalking horse for their ambition, or professors, who walk in the trammels of orthodoxy, and are more attentive to traditions and ordinances of men than to the oracles of truth.

The civil magistrate has every where contaminated religion by making it an engine of policy; and freedom of thought and the right of private judgment, in matters of conscience, driven from every other corner of the earth, direct their course to this happy country as their last asylum. Let us cherish the noble guests, and shelter them under the wings of an universal toleration. Be this the seat of unbounded religious freedom. She will bring with her in her train, industry, wisdom, and commerce. She thrives most when left to shoot forth in her natural luxuriance, and asks from human policy, only not to be checked in her growth by artificial encouragements.

Thus by the beneficence of Providence, we shall behold our empire arising, founded on justice and the voluntary consent of the people, and giving full scope to the exercise of those faculties and rights which most ennoble our species. Besides the advantages of liberty and the most equal constitution, heaven has given us a country with every variety of climate and soil, pouring forth in abundance whatever is necessary for the support, comfort, and strength of a nation. Within our own borders we possess all the means of sustenance, defence, and commerce; at the same time, these advantages are so distributed among the different States of this continent, as if nature had in view to proclaim to us-be united among yourselves, and you will want nothing from the rest of the world.

The more northern States most amply supply us with every necessary, and many of the luxuries of life;-with iron, timber, and masts for ships of commerce or of war; with flax for the manufactory of linen, and seed either for oil or exportation.

So abundant are our harvests, that almost every part raises more than double the quantity of grain requisite for the support of the

inhabitants.

From Georgia and the Caroli- | nas, we have, as well for our own wants as for the purpose of supplying the wants of other powers, indigo, rice, hemp, naval stores, and Îumber.

Virginia and Maryland teem with wheat, Indian corn, and tobacco. Every nation whose harvest is precarious, or whose lands yield not those commodities, which we cultivate, will gladly exchange their superfluities and manufactures for ours.

We have already received many and large cargoes of clothing, military stores, &c., from our commerce with foreign powers, and in spite of the efforts of the boasted Navy of England, we shall continue to profit by this connection.

The want of our naval stores has already increased the price of these articles to a great height, especially in Britain. Without our lumber, it will be impossible for those haughty islanders to convey the products of the West Indies to their own ports;-for a while they may with difficulty effect it, but without our assistance, their resources soon must fail. Indeed, the West India Islands appear as the necessary appendages to this our empire. They must owe their support to it, and ere long, I doubt not, some of them will from necessity wish to enjoy the benefit of our protection.

These natural advantages will enable us to remain independent of the world, or make it the interest of European powers to court our alliance, and aid in protecting us against the invasions of others. What argument therefore do we want, to show the equity of our conduct; or motive of interest to recommend it to our prudence? Nature points out the path, and our enemies have obliged us to pursue it.

If there is any man so base or so weak, as to prefer a dependence on Great Britain, to the dignity and happiness of living a member of a free and independent nation-let me tell him that necessity now demands what the generous principle of patriotism should have dictated.

We have now no other alternative than independence, or the most ignominious and galling servitude. The legions of our enemies thicken on our plains; desolation and death mark their bloody career; whilst the mangled corpses of our countrymen seem to cry out to us as a voice from heaven-"Will you permit our posterity to groan under the galling chains of our murderers? Has our blood been expended in vain? Is the only reward which our constancy, till death, has obtained for our country, that it should be sunk into a deeper and more ignominious vassalage? Recollect who are the men that demand your submission; to whose decrees you are invited to pay obedience! Men who, unmindful of their relation to you as

brethren, of your long implicit submission to their laws; of the sacrifice which you and your forefathers made of your natural advantages for commerce to their avarice,-formed a deliberate plan to wrest from you the small pittance of property which they had permitted you to acquire. Remember that the men who wish to rule over you, are they who, in pursuit of this plan of despotism, annulled the sacred contracts which had been made with your ancestors; conveyed into your cities a mercenary soldiery to compel you to submission by insult and murder-who called your patience, cowardice; your piety, hypocrisy."

Countrymen! the men who now invite you to surrender your rights into their hands, are the men who have let loose the merciless savages to riot in the blood of their brethren—who have dared to establish popery triumphant in our land-who have taught treachery to your slaves, and courted them to assassinate your wives and children.

These are the men to whom we are exhorted to sacrifice the blessings which Providence holds out to us-the happiness, the dignity of uncontrolled freedom and independence.

Let not your generous indignation be directed against any among us, who may advise so absurd and madning a measure. Their number is but few and daily decreases; and the spirit which can render them patient of slavery, will render them contemptible enemies.

Our Union is now complete; our Constitution composed, established, and approved. You are now the guardians of your own liberties. We may justly address you, as the Decemviri did the Romans, and say-"Nothing that we propose, can pass into a law without your consent. Be yourselves, O Americans, the authors of those laws on which your happiness depends."

You have now in the field, armies sufficient to repel the whole force of your enemies, and their base and mercenary auxiliaries. The hearts of your soldiers beat high with the spirit of freedom-they are animated with the justice of their cause, and while they grasp their swords, can look up to heaven for assistance. Your adversaries are composed of wretches who laugh at the rights of humanity, who turn religion into derision, and would, for higher wages, direct their swords against their leaders or their country. Go on, then, in your gener ous enterprise, with gratitude to heaven, for past success, and confidence of it in the future. For my own part, I ask no greater blessing than to share with you the common danger and common glory. If I have a wish dearer to my soul, than that my ashes may be mingled with those of a Warren and Montgomery-it isthat these American States may never cease to be free and independent!

JOSIAH QUINCY, JR.

THIS brilliant patriot was born in Boston, Massachusetts, on the twenty-third of February, 1744. Under the tuition of Mr. Joseph Marsh, who was for many years a very successful teacher at Braintree, young Quincy perfected himself in the rudiments of the classics. In 1759, he entered Harvard College, and graduated in 1763, with unblemished reputation. On taking his degree of Master of Arts, he pronounced the English oration, at that time considered the highest honor of the college. His subject was "Patriotism," and it appears by the periodical publications of the day, that he acquired great reputation, both on account of the composition and delivery. He commenced the study of law with Oxenbridge Thacher, in 1763, on leaving college, and on the death of that gentleman in 1765, remained in his office, took a general care and supervision of its affairs, succeeded to an extensive practice, and soon became distinguished for his zeal, learning and eloquence.

At an early period the politics of the colonies attracted his attention. In the fall of 1767, quickened by the avowal of Parliament of its absolute right over the colonies; the arrival of fresh troops to maintain that right; the determination of the ministry to impose additional taxes and other unjust and burdensome acts, he commenced his political writings, under the signature of Hyperion. Two pieces were published by him in the Boston Gazette, the spirit of which can be best understood by the following extracts:-" When I reflect on the exalted character of the ancient Britons, on the fortitude of our illustrious predecessors, on the noble struggles of the late memorable period, and from these reflections, when by a natural transition, I contemplate the gloomy aspect of the present day, my heart is alternately torn with hope and doubt, despondency and terror. Can the true, generous magnanimity of British heroes, be entirely lost in their degenerate progeny? Is the genius of liberty which so late inflamed our bosoms, fled for ever?

"An attentive observer of the deportment of some particular persons in this metropolis, would be apt to imagine that the grand point was gained; that the spirit of the people was entirely broken to the yoke; that all America was subjugated to bondage! Already the minions of power, in fancy, fatten and grow wanton on the spoils of the land. They insolently toss the head, and put on the air of contemptuous disdain. In the imaginary possession of lordships and dominions, these potentates and powers dare tell us, that our only hope is to crouch, to cowl under, and to kiss the iron rod of oppression. Precious sample of the meek and lowly temper of those who are destined to be our lords and masters!

"Be not deceived, my Countrymen. Believe not these venal hirelings, when they would cajole you by their subtleties into submission, or frighten you by their vaporings into compliance. When they strive to flatter you by the terms, 'moderation and prudence,' tell them that calmness and deliberation are to guide the judgment; courage and intrepidity command the action. When they endeavor to makes us 'perceive our inability to oppose our mother country,' let us boldly answer: In defence of our civil and religious rights we dare oppose the world; with the God of armies on our side, even the God who fought our fathers' battles, we fear not the hour of trial, though the hosts of our enemies should cover the field like locusts. If this be enthusiasm, we will live and die enthusiasts.

"Blandishments will not fascinate us, nor will threats of a 'halter' intimidate. For under God, we are determined, that wheresoever, whensoever, or howsoever, we shall be called to make our exit, we will die freemen. Well do we know that all the regalia of this world cannot dignify the death of a villain, nor diminish the ignominy with which a slave shall quit his existence. Neither can it taint the unblemished honor of a son of freedom, though he should make his departure on the already prepared gibbet, or be dragged to the newly erected scaffold for execution. With the plaudits of his conscience he will go off the stage. A crown of joy and immortality shall be his reward. The history of his life, his children shall venerate. The virtues of their sire shall excite their emulation."

The writings of Mr. Quincy rendered him highly obnoxious to the officers of the Crown, more especially to those of the Supreme Court of his native State, and he was denied the honors of the gown, which were then due him from his position at the bar. Notwithstanding this circumstance, and the multiplied labors of his profession, he continued his literary efforts with undisguised zeal and patriotism.* In one of his essays, published in Boston, a few days previous to the Boston Massacre, in 1770, he said: "In answer to the question, 'What end is the nonimportation argument to answer?'-I give the following reply: From a conviction in my own mind, that America is now the slave of Britain; from a sense that we are every day more and more in danger of an increase of our burdens, and a fastening of our shackles, I wish to see my countrymen break off,-off for ever!—all social intercourse with those whose commerce contaminates, whose luxuries poison, whose avarice is insatiable, and whose unnatural oppressions are not to be borne. That Americans will have their rights, that they will resume, assert, and defend them, are matters of which I harbor no doubt. Whether the arts of policy, or the arts of war will decide the contest, are problems we will solve at a more convenient season. He whose heart is enamored with the refinements of political artifice and finesse, will seek one mode of relief; he whose heart is free, honest, and intrepid, will pursue another, a bolder, and more noble mode of redress. This reply is so intelligible, that it needs no comment or explanation."

At the trial of the soldiers of the twenty-ninth regiment, for the murder of Samuel Carr and others, on the night of the fifth of March, 1770, Mr. Quincy, associated as junior counsel with John Adams, appeared in their defence. The state of public feeling, and the disadvantages under which Mr. Quincy labored at that time, can best be understood by the following extract of a letter from his father upon the subject: "I am under great affliction, at hearing the bitterest reproaches uttered against you, for having become an advocate for those criminals who are charged with the murder of their fellow-citizens. Good God! is it possible? I will not believe it. * * * * I have heard the severest reflections made upon the occasion by men who had just before manifested the highest esteem for you, as one destined to be a saviour of your country. I must own to you it has filled the bosom of your aged and infirm parent with anxiety and distress, lest it should prove destructive of your reputation and interest."

To this Mr. Quincy replied, "I have little leisure and less inclination either to know or to take notice of those ignorant slanderers, who have dared to utter their 'bitter reproaches ' in your hearing against me, for having become an advocate for criminals charged with murder. But the sting of reproach, when envenomed only by envy and falsehood, will never prove mortal. Before pouring their reproaches into the ear of the aged and infirm, if they had been friends they would have surely spared a little reflection on the nature of an attorney's oath and duty-some trifling scrutiny into the business and discharge of his office, and some small portion of patience in viewing my past and future conduct." Mr. Quincy's speech in this trial is given

* Among his original papers for the year 1770, are An address of the merchants, traders, and freeholders of the town of Boston, assembled at Faneuil Hall, January 23, 1770, for the purpose of enforcing the non-importation act: two essays under the signature of An Independent, published in the Boston Gazette of the 12th and 26th of February; another signed An Old Man, in the same paper of August 6th: and the Report of a Committee appointed to draw up Instruc tions, for the representatives of the town of Boston, and which was unanimously accepted by the inhabitants, 15th May, 1770. The original draft of this report in the autograph of Mr. Quincy, exists among his papers.—Quincy's Life of Quincy.

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