of that State to know the reasons of adopting that system or understand its principles, in so very short a period after its formation? This is the middle of June. Those transactions happened last August. The matter was circulated by every effort of industry, and the most precipitate measures taken to hurry the people into an adoption. Yet now, after having had several months since to investigate it, a very large part of this community-a very great majority of this community, do not understand it. I have heard gentlemen of respectable abilities declare they did not understand it. If after great pains, men of high learning, who have received the aid of a regular education, do not understand

kind. We are presented with dangers of a very uncommon nature. I I am not acquainted with the arts of painting. Some gentlemen have a peculiar talent for them. They are practised with great ingenuity on this occasion. As a counterpart to what we have already been intimidated with, we are told, that some lands have been sold which cannot be found; and that this will bring war on this country. Here the picture will not stand examination. Can it be supposed, that if a few land speculators and jobbers have violated the principles of probity, that it will involve this country in war? Is there no redress to be otherwise obtained, even admitting the delinquents and sufferers to be numerous? When gentlemen are thus driven to pro-it; if the people of Pennsylvania understood it duce imaginary dangers, to induce this conven- in so short a time, it must have been from tion to assent to this change, I am sure it will intuitive understandings, and uncommon acutenot be uncandid to say, that the change itself is ness of perception. Place yourselves in their situreally dangerous. Then the Maryland compactation; would you fight your neighbors for considis broken, and will produce perilous conse- ering this great and awful matter? If you wish quences. I see nothing very terrible in this. for real amendments, such as the security of The adoption of the new system will not re- the trial by jury, it will reach the hearts of the move the evil. Will they forfeit good neigh- people of that State. Whatever may be the borhood with us, because the compact is broken? disposition of the aristocratical politicians of Then the disputes concerning the Carolina line that country, I know there are friends of human are to involve us in dangers. A strip of land nature in that State. If so, they will never running from the westward of the Alleghany to make war on those who make professions of the Mississippi, is the subject of this pretended what they are attached to themselves. dispute. I do not know the length or breadth of this disputed spot. Have they not regularly confirmed our right to it and relinquished all claims to it? I can venture to pledge, that the people of Carolina will never disturb us. The strength of this despised country has settled an immense tract of country to the westward. Give me leave to remark, that the honorable gentleman's observations on our frontiers, north and south, east and west, are all inaccurate.

As to the danger arising from borderers, it is mutual and reciprocal. If it be dangerous for Virginia, it is equally so for them. It will be their true interest to be united with us. The danger of our being their enemies, will be a prevailing argument in our favor. It will be as powerful to admit us into the Union, as a vote of adoption without previous amendments could possibly be.

Then the savage Indians are to destroy us. We cannot look them in the face. The danger is here divided; they are as terrible to the other States as to us: but, sir, it is well known that we have nothing to fear from them. Our back settlers are considerably stronger than they, and their superiority increases daily. Suppose the States to be confederated all around us, what we want in number, we shall make up otherwise. Our compact situation and natural strength will secure us. But to avoid all dangers, we must take shelter under the federal government. Nothing gives a decided importance but this federal government. You will sip sorrow, according to the vulgar phrase, if you want any other security than the laws of Virginia.

Will Maryland fight against this country for seeking amendments? Were there not sixty members in that State who went in quest of amendments? Sixty against eight or ten were in favor of pursuing amendments. Shall they fight us for doing what they themselves have done? They have sought amendments, but differently from the manner in which I wish amendments to be got. The honorable gentleman may plume himself on this difference. Will they fight us for this dissimilarity? Will they fight us for seeking the object they seek themselves? When they do, it will be time for me to hold my peace. Then, sir, comes Pennsylvania, in terrible array. Pennsyivania is to go in conflict with Virginia. Pennsylvania has been a good neighbor hereto- A number of characters of the greatest emifore. She is federal--something terrible: Vir- nence in this country, object to this governginia cannot look her in the face. If we suffi- ment, for its consolidating tendency. This is ciently attend to the actual situation of things, not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. If we will conclude that Pennsylvania will do consolidation proves to be as mischievous to what we do. A number of that country are this country as it has been to other countries, strongly opposed to it. Many of them have what will the poor inhabitants of this country lately been convinced of its fatal tendency. do? This government will operate like an They are disgorged of their federalism. I be- ambuscade. It will destroy the State governseech you to bring this matter home to your-ments, and swallow up the liberties of the selves. Was there a possibility for the people people, without giving them previous notice.

If gentlemen are willing to run the hazard, let them run it; but I shall exculpate myself by my opposition, and monitory warnings within | these walls. But then comes paper money. We are at peace on this subject. Though this is a thing which that mighty federal convention had no business with, yet I acknowledge that paper money would be the bane of this country. I detest it. Nothing can justify a people in resorting to it, but extreme necessity. It is at rest, however, in this commonwealth. It is no longer solicited or advocated.

Sir, I ask you, and every other gentleman who hears me, if he can restrain his indignation at a system, which takes from the State legislatures the care and preservation of the interests of the people; one hundred and eighty representatives, the choice of the people of Virginia, cannot be trusted with their interests. They are a mobbish, suspected herd. This country has not virtue enough to manage its own internal interests. These must be referred to the chosen ten. If we cannot be trusted with the private contracts of the citizens, we must be depraved indeed. If he can prove, that, by one uniform system of abandoned principles, the legislature has betrayed the rights of the people, then let us seek another shelter. So degrading an indignity-so flagrant an outrage on the States-so vile a suspicion is humiliating to my mind, and many others.

the national expenses will be increased-if not doubled, it will approach it very near. I might, without incurring the imputation of illiberality or extravagance, say, that the expense will be multiplied tenfold. I might tell you of a numerous standing army; a great, powerful navy; a long and rapacious train of officers and dependents, independent of the president, senators and representatives, whose compensations are without limitation. How are our debts to be discharged unless the taxes are increased, when the expenses of government are so greatly augmented? The defects of this system are so numerous and palpable, and so many States object to it, that no union can be expected, unless it be amended. Let us take a review of the facts. New Hampshire and Rhode Island have rejected it. They have refused to become federal. New York and North Carolina are reported to be strongly against it. From high authority, give me leave to tell, that New York is in high opposition. Will any gentleman say that North Carolina is not against it? They may say so, but I say that the adoption of it, in those two States, amounts to entire uncertainty. The system must be amended before these four States will accede to it. Besides, there are several other States who are dissatisfied, and wish alterations. Massachusetts has, in decided terms, proposed amendments; but by her previous ratification, has put the cart before the horse. Maryland instituted a committee to propose amendments. It then appears, that two States have actually refused to re-adopt-two of those who have adopted, have a desire of amending. And there is a probability of its being rejected by New York and North Carolina. The other States have acceded without proposing amendments. With respect to them, local circumstances have, in my judgment, operated to produce its unconditional, instantaneous adoption. The locality of the seat of government, ten miles square, and the seat of justice, with all their concomitant emoluments, operated so powerfully with the first adopting State, that it was adopted without taking time to reflect. We are told that numerous advantages will result from the concentration of the wealth and grandeur of the United States in one happy spot, to those who will reside in or near it. Prospects of profit and emoluments have a powerful influence on the human mind. We, sir, have no such projects as that of a grand seat of government for thirteen States, and perhaps for one hundred States hereafter. Connecticut and New Jersey have their localities also. New York lies between them. They have no ports, and are not importing States. New York is an importing State, and taking advantage of its situation, makes them pay duties for all the articles of their consumption: thus, these two States being obliged to import all they want, through the medium of New York, pay the particular taxes of that State. I know the force and effect of reasoning of this sort, by experience. When

Will the adoption of this new plan pay our debts? This, sir, is a plain question, It is inferred, that our grievances are to be redressed, and the evils of the existing system to be moved by the new constitution. Let me inform the honorable gentleman, that no nation ever paid its debts by a change of government, without the aid of industry. You never will pay your debts but by a radical change of domestic economy. At present, you buy too much, and make too little to pay. Will this new system promote manufactures, industry, and frugality? If, instead of this, your hopes and designs will be disappointed, you relinquish a great deal, and hazard infinitely more for nothing. Will it enhance the value of your lands? Will it lessen your burdens? Will your looms and wheels go to work by the act of adoption? If it will in its consequences produce these things, it will consequently produce a reform, and enable you to pay your debts. Gentlemen must prove it. I am a sceptic-an infidel on this point. I cannot conceive that it will have these happy consequences. I cannot confide in assertions and allegations. The evils that attend us, lie in extravagance and want of industry, and can only be removed by assiduity and economy. Perhaps we shall be told by gentlemen, that these things will happen, because the administration is to be taken from us, and placed in the hands of the luminous few, who will pay different attention, and be more studiously careful than we can be supposed to be. With respect to the economical operation of the new government, I will only remark, that

public man, and out of no particular view. I
wish, as such, to consult every source of infor-
mation, to form my judgment on so awful a
question. I had the highest respect for the
honorable gentleman's abilities. Î considered
his opinion as a great authority. He taught
me, sir, in despite of the approbation of that
great federal convention, to doubt of the pro-
priety of that system. When I found my hon-
orable friend in the number of those who doubt-
him in opinion. I shall be a stanch and faith-
ful disciple of his. I applaud that magnanimity
which led him to withhold his signature. If
he thinks now differently, he is as free as I am.
Such is my situation, that as a poor individual,
I look for information every where.

the impost was proposed some years ago, those,
States which were not importing States, readily
agreed to concede to Congress, the power of
laying an impost on all goods imported for the
use of the continental treasury. Connecticut
and New Jersey therefore, are influenced by
advantages of trade in their adoption. The
amounts of all imposts are to go into one com-
mon treasury. This favors adoption by the
non-importing States; as they participate in
the profits which were before exclusively en-ed, I began to doubt also. I coincided with
joyed by the importing States. Notwithstand
ing this obvious advantage to Connecticut,
there is a formidable minority there against it.
After taking this general review of American
affairs, as respecting federalism, will the honor-
able gentleman tell me, that he can expect
union in America? When so many States are This government is so new, it wants a name.
pointedly against it; when two adopting States I wish its other novelties were as harmless as
have pointed out, in express terms, their dis- this. He told us we had an American dictator
satisfaction as it stands; and when there is so in the year 1781. We never had an American
respectable a body of men discontented in every president. In making a dictator, we followed
State; can the honorable gentleman promise the example of the most glorious, magnani-
himself harmony, of which he is so fond? If mous and skilful nations. In great dangers
he can, I cannot. To me it appears unequivo- this power has been given. Rome had fur-
cally clear, that we shall not have that harmony.nished us with an illustrious example. Amer-
If it appears to the other States, that our aver-ica found a person worthy of that trust: she
sion is founded on just grounds, will they not looked to Virginia for him. We gave a dicta-
be willing to indulge us? If disunion will torial power to hands that used it gloriously;
really result from Virginia's proposing amend- and which were rendered more glorious by sur-
ments, will they not wish the re-establishment rendering it up. Where is there a breed of
of the Union, and admit us, if not on such terms such dictators? Shall we find a set of Ameri-
as we prescribe, yet on advantageous terms? can presidents of such a breed? Will the
Is not union as essential to their happiness, as American president come and lay prostrate at
to ours? Sir, without a radical alteration, the the feet of Congress his laurels? I fear there
States will never be embraced in one federal are few men who can be trusted on that head.
pale. If you attempt to force it down men's The glorious republic of Holland has erected
throats and call it union, dreadful consequences monuments to her warlike intrepidity and
must follow.
valor: yet she is now totally ruined by a stadt-
He has said a great deal about disunion and holder; a Dutch president. The destructive
the dangers that are to arise from it. When wars into which that nation has been plunged,
we are on the subject of union and dangers, let has since involved her in ambition. The glo-
me ask, how will his present doctrine hold with|rious triumphs of Blenheim and Ramillies were
what has happened? Is it consistent with that
noble and disinterested conduct which he dis-
played on a former occasion? Did he not tell
us that he withheld his signature? Where
then were the dangers which now appear to him
so formidable? He saw all America eagerly
confiding that the result of their deliberations
would remove their distresses. He saw all
America acting under the impulses of hope, ex-
pectation and anxiety, arising from their situa-
tion and their partiality for the members of that
convention: yet his enlightened mind, know-
ing that system to be defective, magnanimously
and nobly refused its approbation. He was not
led by the illumined-the illustrious few. He
was actuated by the dictates of his own judg-
ment; and a better judgment than I can form.
He did not stand out of the way of informa-
tion. He must have been possessed of every
intelligence. What alterations have a few
months brought about? The internal differ-
ence between right and wrong does not fluctu-
ate. It is immutable. I ask this question as a

not so conformable to the genius, nor so much
to the true interest of the republic, as those
numerous and useful canals and dykes, and
other objects at which ambition spurns. That
republic has, however, by the industry of its
inhabitants, and policy of its magistrates, sup-
pressed the ill effects of ambition. Notwith-
standing two of their provinces have paid
nothing, yet I hope the example of Holland
will tell us that we can live happily without
changing our present despised government.
Cannot people be as happy under a mild, as un-
der an energetic government? Cannot content
and felicity be enjoyed in a republic, as well as
in a monarchy, because there are whips, chains
and scourges used in the latter? If I am not
as rich as my neighbor, if I give my mite, my
all, republican forbearance will say, that it is suf-
ficient. So said the honest confederates of Hol-
land: "You are poor; we are rich. We will
go on and do better, far better, than be under an
oppressive government." Far better will it be
for us to continue as we are, than go under that

tight, energetic government. I am persuaded | tories? I must again repeat the favorite idea, of what the honorable gentleman says, that that the genius of Virginia did, and will again separate confederacies will ruin us. In my lead us to happiness. To obtain the most splenjudgment, they are evils never to be thought of did prize, you did not consolidate. You aotill a people are driven by necessity. When complished the most glorious ends, by the ashe asks my opinion of consolidation, of one sistance of the genius of your country. Men power to reign over America, with a strong were then taught by that genius, that they hand, I will tell him I am persuaded of the rec- were fighting for what was most dear to them. titude of my honorable friend's opinion, (Mr. View the most affectionate father, the most tenMason,) that one government cannot reign over der mother, operated on by liberty, nobly stimso extensive a country as this is, without abso- ulating their sons, their dearest sons, sometimes lute despotism. Compared to such a consolida- their only son, to advance to the defence of his tion, small confederacies are little evils, though country. We have seen sons of Cincinnatus, they ought to be recurred to but in case of ne- without splendid magnificence or parade, going, cessity. Virginia and North Carolina are de- with the genius of their great progenitor Cinspised. They could exist separated from the cinnatus, to the plough-men who served their rest of America. Maryland and Vermont were country without ruining it; men who had not overrun when out of the confederacy. served it to the destruction of their private Though it is not a desirable object, yet, I trust, patrimonies; their country owing them amathat on examination it will be found, that Vir-zing amounts, for the payment of which no adginia and North Carolina would not be swallowed up in case it was necessary for them to be joined together.

equate provision was then made. We have seen such men throw prostrate their arms at your feet. They did not call for those emoluments which ambition presents to some imaginations. The soldiers, who were able to command every thing, instead of trampling on those laws which they were instituted to defend, most strictly obeyed them. The hands of justice have not been laid on a single American soldier. Bring them into contrast with European veterans-you will see an astonishing superiority over the latter. There has been a strict subordination to the laws. The honorable gentleman's office gave him an opportunity of viewing if the laws were administered so as to prevent riots, routs, and unlawful assemblies. From his then situation, he could have furnished us with the instances in which licentiousness trampled on the laws. Among all our troubles, we have paid almost to the last shilling, for the sake of justice: we have paid as well as any State; I will not say better. To support the general government and our own legislature; to pay the interest of the public debts, and defray contingencies, we have been heavily taxed. To add to these things, the distresses produced by paper money, and by tobacco contracts, were sufficient to render any people discontented. These, sir, were great temptations; but in the most severe conflict of misfortunes, this code of laws-this genius of Virginia, call it what you will, triumphed over every thing.

When we come to the spirit of domestic peace, the humble genius of Virginia has formed a government, suitable to the genius of her people. I believe the hands that formed the American constitution, triumph in the experiment. It proves that the man who formed it, and perhaps by accident, did what design could not do in other parts of the world. After all your reforms in government, unless you consult the genius of the inhabitants, you will never succeed; your system can have no duration. Let me appeal to the candor of the committee, if the want of money be not the source of all misfortunes. We cannot be blamed for not making dollars. This want of money cannot be supplied by changes in government. The only possible remedy, as I have before asserted, is industry aided by economy. Compare the genius of the people with the government of this country. Let me remark, that it stood the severest conflict, during the war, to which human virtue has ever been called. I call upon every gentleman here to declare, whether the King of England had any subjects so attached to his family and government-so loyal as we were. But the genius of Virginia called us for liberty; called us from those beloved endearments which, from long habits, we were taught to love and revere. We entertained from our earliest infancy, the most sincere regard and reverence for the mother country. Why did it please the gentleman, (Mr. CorOur partiality extended to a predilection for bin,) to bestow such epithets on our country? her customs, habits, manners and laws. Thus Have the worms taken possession of the wood, inclined, when the deprivation of our liberty that our strong vessel our political vessel, has was attempted, what did we do? What did sprung a leak? He may know better than I, the genius of Virginia tell us? "Sell all, and but I consider such epithets to be the most ilpurchase liberty." This was a severe conflict. liberal and unwarrantable aspersions on our Republican maxims were then esteemed. Those laws. The system of laws under which we maxims, and the genius of Virginia, landed you have lived, has been tried and found to suit our safe on the shore of freedom. On this awful genius. I I trust we shall not change this happy occasion, did you want a federal government? system. I cannot so easily take leave of an old Did federal ideas possess your minds? Did friend. Till I see him following after and purfederal ideas lead you to the most splendid vic-suing other objects, which can pervert the great

objects of human legislation, pardon me if I withhold my assent.

gone. Have you a resting place like the British government? Where is the rock of your salvaSome here speak of the difficulty in forming tion? The real rock of political salvation is a new code of laws. Young as we were, it was self-love, perpetuated from age to age in every not wonderful if there was a difficulty in form- human breast, and manifested in every action. ing and assimilating our system of laws. I If they can stand the temptations of human shall be obliged to the gentleman, if he would nature, you are safe. If you have a good prespoint out those glaring, those great faults. The ident, senators and representatives, there is no efforts of assimilating our laws to our genius danger. But can this be expected from human have not been found altogether vain. I shall nature? Without real checks, it will not suffice pass over some other circumstances which I in- that some of them are good. A good president, tended to mention, and endeavor to come to or senator, or representative will have a natural the capital objection, which my honorable weakness. Virtue will slumber: the wicked friend made. My worthy friend said, that a re- will be continually watching: consequently you publican form of government would not suit a will be undone. Where are your checks? You very extensive country; but that if a govern- have no hereditary nobility-an order of men, ment were judiciously organized and limits pre- to whom human eyes can be cast up for relief: scribed to it, an attention to these principles for, says the constitution, there is no title of might render it possible for it to exist in an ex- nobility to be granted; which, by the by, would tensive territory. Whoever will be bold to not have been so dangerous, as the perilous cessay, that a continent can be governed by that sion of the powers contained in that paper: besystem, contradicts all the experience of the cause, as Montesquieu says, when you give titles world. It is a work too great for human wis- of nobility, you know what you give; but when dom. Let me call for an example. Experi- you give power, you know not what you give. ence has been called the best teacher. I call If you say, that out of this depraved mass, you for an example of a great extent of country, can collect luminous characters, it will not governed by one government, or Congress, call avail, unless this luminous breed will be propait what you will. I tell him that a government gated from generation to generation; and even may be trimmed up according to gentlemen's then, if the number of vicious characters will fancy, but it never can operate; it will be but preponderate, you are undone. And that this very short lived. However disagreeable it may will certainly be the case, is, to my mind, perbe to lengthen my objections, I cannot help fectly clear. In the British government, there taking notice of what the honorable gentleman are real balances and checks; in this system, said. To me it appears that there is no check there are only ideal balances. Till I am conin that government. The president, senators vinced that there are actual, efficient checks, I and representatives, all immediately, or medi- will not give my assent to its establishment. ately, are the choice of the people. Tell me The president and senators have nothing to not of checks on paper; but tell me of checks lose. They have not that interest in the prefounded on self-love. The English government servation of the government, that the king and is founded on self-love. This powerful, irre- | lords have in England. They will therefore be sistible stimulus of self-love has saved that gov-regardless of the interests of the people. The ernment. It has interposed that hereditary nobility between the king and the commons. If the House of Lords assists or permits the king to overturn the liberties of the people, the same tyranny will destroy them; they will therefore keep the balance in the democratic branch. Suppose they see the Commons encroach upon the king; self-love, that great, energetic check, will call upon them to interpose; for, if the king be destroyed, their destruction must speedily follow. Here is a consideration which prevails in my mind, to pronounce the British government superior, in this respect, to any government that ever was in any country. Compare this with your Congressional checks. I beseech gentlemen to consider whether they can say, when trusting power, that a mere patriotic profession will be equally operative and efficacious, as the check of selflove. In considering the experience of ages, is it not seen that fair, disinterested patriotism and professions of attachment to rectitude, have never been solely trusted to by an enlightened, free people? If you depend on your presidents' and senators' patriotism, you are

constitution will be as safe with one body, as
with two. It will answer every purpose of
human legislation. How was the constitution
of England when only the commons had the
power? I need only remark, that it was the
most unfortunate era when the country returned
to king, lords and commons, without sufficient
responsibility in the king. When the commons
of England, in the manly language which be-
came freemen, said to their king, you are our
servant, then the temple of liberty was com-
plete. From that noble source have we derived
our liberty: that spirit of patriotic attachment
to one's country, that zeal for liberty, and that
enmity to tyranny, which signalized the then
champions of liberty, we inherit from our
British ancestors. And I am free to own, that
if you cannot love a republican government,
you may love the British monarchy: for, al-
though the king is not sufficiently responsible,
the responsibility of his agents, and the efficient
checks interposed by the British constitution,
render it less dangerous than other monarchies,
or oppressive tyrannical aristocracies. What are
their checks of exposing accounts? Their