necessary to meet the probable consequences of so premature a determination.

superior wisdom, and this country has reaped the rich harvest of peace and happiness. But it may now be asked, if it is meant passively to submit to the injuries acknowledged on all hands to be sustained by the imperious and overbearing conduct of Great Britain? I answer no, by no means.

It is no uncommon thing for gentlemen to differ on important measures; and I will not even insinuate that I may not be found wrong in these ideas, and wholly mistaken in my conjectures on this occassion, but I beg members to consider the different ground on which the I would follow the examples and pursue the two sides of the House stand. If the minority, measures of other nations in like circumstances of whom I expect to be one, shall in the end be-examples and measures founded in policy found to have been alarmed with consequences altogether unfounded, and if the issue proves successful to the peace of our common country, they will have the happiness of rejoicing with the majority in their superior wisdom and foresight; and though even they will suffer in character, yet their country will be saved. But if the minority shall in the end be right, and our country shall be deluged in a destructive war, and her best interests endangered by the discovery of the mistake, too late for redress, gentlemen in favor of the resolution will seriously regret that they had not, at least, used more caution.

As at present advised, I shall give my vote against the resolution. It is from a thorough conviction, on the most careful examination, that the resolution is against the interest and welfare of the United States, all circumstances considered. And this I shall do, wholly regardless of the malevolent insinuations, that Britain has an influence in this House. I feel a conscious dignity of mind, a virtuous pride of heart, in believing that not all the wealth of that opulent nation could purchase my influence to a single measure injurious to my country: and under this conviction I cannot believe there is a member of the committee in a different predicament.

I again repeat that I shall most sincerely rejoice, if this measure is adopted, to find, in the end, that my mind has viewed it as productive of consequences that are wholly unfounded; and although under my present view of this subject, considering it as inimical to my country, I am bound in conscience to vote against it; yet the councils of America are directed by

and sound understanding. I would, by a special envoy, make known to that court our sense of her unwarrantable aggressions; I would demand immediate indemnification for the present, and security against future sufferings of a like nature-insist on a categorical answer, after applying to her justice and best interests; and if at last a war shall be the only means of obtaining justice, I would then, being previously prepared, meet it as becomes a free and independent nation, trusting to the righteousness of her cause.j

By this means the other nations of Europe will be made acquainted with our complaints, become witnesses to our love of peace, and bear testimony to the justice of our appeal to arms. I have fully considered the question-I have viewed it in every point of light. I have endeavored to consider the consequences which most probably will arise from it, and I cannot convince my mind, that this measure will be productive of any good to the United States; while it offers many reasons to conclude, that it

may be fraught with the greatest evil. In case of the most successful war, America has nothing to gain, while her loss of blood and treasure is sure and certain.

I once flattered myself that this was the only country on the globe, whose interest it was to be at peace with all the world, and at the same time the interest of all the world to be at peace with us. But I fear we have been so much actuated by a resentment of injuries received, as to lose sight of our true interests under existing circumstances, and therefore will be hurried into measures we may hereafter have reason seriously to lament.

JOHN DICKINSON.

THE eminent subject of this memoir was born in Maryland, on the second day of November, old style, in the year 1732. He was the eldest son, by a second marriage, of Samuel Dickinson, who, while his son was yet a child, removed to the village of Dover, Delaware, where he subsequently occupied the first judgeship of the Court of Common Pleas. At an early age John was placed under the tuition of Mr. (afterward Chancellor) Kilen, of Delaware. Subsequently he studied law in the office of John Morland, at Philadelphia, and on the completion of his course with him, he visited England and entered the Temple in London. After remaining here about three years he returned to Philadelphia, and established himself in the practice of his profession.

In 1764 he entered upon the scenes of public life as a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, where he soon established a reputation as a statesman of ability and powerful eloquence. The first occasion which elicited his oratorical powers, was the controversy between the Colonial Assembly and the proprietors, in which the latter claimed exemption from taxes on their estates. On the twenty-fourth of May, 1764, he delivered a masterly speech against a proposition made to petition the King for a change in the government of the province. He opposed the measure because he considered it "fraught with danger, and calculated to involve the province in a disastrous conflict with a superior power." His speech on that occasion is included in the present collection. In September of this year he published a Reply to a piece called the speech of Joseph Galloway, pretended to have been spoken in the Pennsylvania Assembly, in answer to Mr. Dickinson's speech of the May previous. This reply was a general refutation of the calumnies heaped upon the friends of proprietary government by the "insidious Galloway," and an able defence of the political course of Mr. Dickinson.

Mr. Dickinson was a member of the general Congress which met at New York in October, 1765, and in that capacity he prepared the resolutions of that body, announcing their opposition to the plans of the ministry of Great Britain, and the principles which they considered as natural and belonging to their system of government. The same year, during the stamp-act excitement, he published a pamphlet entitled The Late Regulations respecting the British Colonies on the Continent of America, considered in a Letter from a Gentleman in Philadelphia to his Friend in London; in which he exposed, with great spirit and elegance of composition, the impolitic tendency of the ministerial measures, and the discontent they would inevitably produce among the colonists. In concluding this rich production, he said, "The reflections of the colonists on these melancholy subjects are not a little embittered by a firm persuasion, that they never would have been treated as they are if Canada still continued in the hands of the French. Thus, their hearts glowing with every sentiment of duty and affection towards their mother country, and expecting, not unreasonably, perhaps, some marks of tenderness in return, are pierced by a fatal discovery, that the vigorous assistance which they faithfully afforded her in extending her dominions, has only proved the glorious but destructive cause of the calamities they now deplore and resent. Yet still their resentment is but the resentment of dutiful VOL. I.-18

children, who have received unmerited blows from a beloved parent. Their obedience to Great Britain is secured by the best and strongest ties, those of affection; which alone can, and I hope will, form an everlasting union between her and her colonies. May no successes or suspicions ever tempt her to deviate from the natural generosity of her spirit. And may no dreadful revolution of sentiments ever teach them to fear her victories, or to repine at her glories."

In 1766 appeared his celebrated Address to the Committee of Correspondence in Barbadoes, under the signature of A North American. This was occasioned by a letter from that committee to their agent at London, in which, after remonstrating against the ministerial system of taxation, they compared their loyalty and submission with "the present rebellious opposition given to authority by our fellow-subjects on the northern continent." This aroused the indignation of Mr. Dickinson. Had the charge been made by a private person, he said, he would not have thought it worth answering; but when it was made by men vested with a public character, by a committee of correspondence, representing two branches of legislature in a considerable government, and the charge was not only approved by those branches, but was actually published to the world, it seemed to deserve notice. "I waited some time, in hopes of seeing the cause espoused by an abler advocate; but being disappointed, I resolved, favente Deo, to snatch a little time from the hurry of business, and to place, if I could, the letter of those gentlemen to their agent in a proper light." This production excited universal attention throughout the country, by the forcible reasoning it contained, and its strong defence of the principles and conduct of the colonists.

On the fifth of November, 1767, the first of a series of letters, entitled, The Farmer's Letters to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies, appeared from the pen of Mr. Dickinson. They were written to excite the attention of the colonists to the illegality of the British system of taxation, and to the urgent necessity of opposing it. The simplicity, elegance of style, and sterling patriotism of these essays, added extensively to the fame of their author. They were read with intense interest, and produced the most beneficial effects among the people. The inhabitants of Boston were so sensible of the eminent service he had done to the common cause, that they addressed him in the most laudatory manner. "To your eminent worth and virtue," they said, "the inhabitants of this town, in full town meeting assembled, express their earliest gratitude: Actuated by the same generous principles which appear with so much lustre in your useful labors, they will not fail warmly to recommend, and industriously to promote, that union among the several colonies, which is so indispensably necessary for the security of the whole. Though such superior merit must, assuredly, in the closest recess, enjoy the divine satisfaction of having served, and possibly saved this people, though veiled from our view, you modestly shun the deserved applause of millions; permit us to intrude upon your retirement, and salute the Farmer as the friend of Americans, and the common benefactor of mankind." The Farmer's answer was published in the Boston Gazette. In 1769 an edition of the Letters was published in Virginia, with a preface from the pen of Richard Henry Lee, and Doctor Franklin caused them to be republished in London, with a preface by himself, in which he urged them upon the attention of the public. In 1769 they were translated into French, and published at Paris.

* Extract from the preface of the address, as printed in the Writings of Dickinson, vol. 1, page 99.

† An account of the proceedings of the citizens of Boston on this occasion, was printed in the Boston Chronicle, of March 28th, 1768, from which paper this extract is taken. It was probably owing to Mr. Dickinson's publications, that the Pennsylvania Assembly, before they knew what measures the Massachusetts Bay, or any other colony would pursue, took into consideration the act imposing duties on paper, glass, &c., and gave positive instructions to their agents, to unite with other agents in applying to Parliament and praying relief.—Gordon's American War, vol. 1, page 221.

In that production Dr. Franklin said, "When I consider our fellow-subjects in America as rational creatures, I cannot but wonder, that, during the present wide difference of sentiments in the two countries, concerning the power of Parliament in laying taxes and duties on America, no application has been made to their understandings, no able and learned pen amongst us has been employed in convincing them that they are in the wrong; proving clearly that by the established law of nations, or by the terms of their original constitution, they are taxable by our Parliament, though they have no representative in it.

"On the contrary, whenever there is any news of discontent in America, the cry is, 'Send over an army, or a fleet, and reduce the dogs to reason.'

"It is said of a choleric people, that with them there is but a word and a blow.

A short time after the publication of the twelfth and last number of the Farmer's Letters, Mr. Dickinson, assisted by Arthur Lee, composed the celebrated Liberty Song:

This ballad became the most popular lyric of the Revolution, and excited the indignation of the poets and writers of the ministerial party, who assailed it with parodies and epigrams.

In 1774, Mr. Dickinson was a member of a committee from the several counties of Pennsylvania, authorized to instruct the Assembly by whom delegates to the Continental Congress were to be elected; and in that capacity he originated a series of resolutions and a letter of instruction, which were afterward, with some modifications, adopted and published by the committee, with an expression of their thanks, "for the laudable application of his eminent abilities to the service of his country in the performance."† Soon after this, Mr. Dickinson was elected to the Congress as a delegate from Pennsylvania, and, on the seventeenth of October, took his seat in that body. Here he at once entered upon the arduous duties of his office. He was appointed on a committee for the preparation of important addresses; drafted the eloquent and statesmanlike appeal to the people of Quebec, and the petition to the King, of which production the historian of the reign of George the Third says, "It is difficult to conceive how this address could be read, without exciting in the breasts, even of the most obdurate, strong emotions of compunction and remorse. **** An address penned with extraordinary force and animation, and in many parts rising to a very high strain of eloquence."

The next important service rendered by Mr. Dickinson, was the preparation of the Declaration of Congress of the sixth of July, 1775, setting forth the causes and necessity of taking up arms. This production will be found in the subsequent pages of this work. The Second Petition of Congress to the King was also prepared by Mr. Dickinson.§ In 1776, with a majority of the Pennsylvania delegates in Congress, Mr. Dickinson opposed the Declaration of Independence, believing that it was, at least, premature; that the country was not prepared for it, and that it

"I hope Britain is not so choleric, and will never be so angry with her colonies as to strike them. But that if she should ever think it may be necessary, she will at least let the word go before the blow, and reason with them.

"To do this clearly, and with the most probability of success, by removing their prejudices and rectifying their misapprehensions (if they are such), it will be necessary to learn what those prejudices and misapprehensions are; and before we can either refute or admit their reasons or arguments, we should certainly know them.

"It is to that end I have handed the following letters (lately published in America) to the press here.

"The author is a gentleman of repute in that country, for his knowledge of its affairs, and, it is said, speaks the general sentiments of the inhabitants. *** I hope this publication will produce a full answer, if we can make one. If it does, this publication will have had its use. No offence to the government is intended by it, and it is hoped none will be taken."

* See the history of this song in the "Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution," pp. 36-40.

+ Extract from the minutes of the Committee for the Province of Pennsylvania. The title of this work is, A New Essay [By the Pennsylvanian Farmer] on the Constitutional power of Great Britain over the Colonies in America; with the resolves of the Committee for the Province of Pennsylvania, and their instructions to their Representatives in Assembly.

Belsham's Memoirs of the Reign of George the Third, vol. 8, page 65.

See the Journals of the Continental Congress. "The several addresses of this Congress," says Ramsay, “were executed in a masterly manner, and were well calculated to make friends to the colonies. But their petition to the king produced more solid advantages in favor of the American cause than any other of their productions. This was in a great measure carried through Congress by Mr. Dickinson. Several members, judging from the violence with which Parliament proceeded against the colonies, were of opinion that further petitions were nugatory; but this worthy citizen, a friend to both countries, and devoted to a reconciliation on constitutional principles, urged the expediency and policy of trying once more the effect of an humble, decent, and firm petition, to the common head of the empire. The high opinion that was conceived of his patriotism and abilities, induced the members to assent to the measure, though they generally conceived it to be labor lost. Tho petition agreed upon, was the work of Mr. Dickinson's pen."-History of the American Revolution, vol. 1, page 212.

was impolitic to adopt it "without some preclusory trials of strength." However, on its adoption, he not only acquiesced in it, but engaged zealously in carrying into effect the measures necessary to sustain it; adding another proof of his sincere attachment to the liberties of his country, by marching with his regiment, a short time after the Declaration, to Elizabethtown, New Jersey, to meet the invading enemy, and serving as a private soldier on a similar expedition to the head of Elk. In October, 1777, he received from Mr. M'Kean, then President of Pennsylvania, a commission as Brigadier General, the duties of which he performed in a manner which elicited the applause of his countrymen.

In April, 1779, he was elected to Congress, and during the next month he wrote the address of that body to the States, upon the situation of public affairs; a production replete with the beauties of a master composer and the warmth of patriotic feeling. After describing the condition of the country, and calling upon the States to rescue it from the deplorable condition to which it had been reduced by the depreciated paper currency, a prodigality in the expenditure of public funds, and the exhaustion of the war, he concludes: "Fill up your battalions-be prepared in every part to repel the incursions of your enemies-place your several quotas in the Continental treasury-lend money for public uses sink the emissions of your respective States-provide effectually for expediting the conveyance of supplies for your armies and fleets, and for your allies-prevent the produce of the country from being monopolized— effectually superintend the behavior of public officers-diligently promote piety, virtue, brotherly love, learning, frugality and moderation, and may you be approved before Almighty God, worthy of those blessings we devoutly wish you to enjoy."

Mr. Dickinson was elected to the Assembly of Delaware in 1780, and the same year he was chosen, by both branches of the legislature, President of that State. Two years after he was elected to the Presidency of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, in which position he remained until October, 1785. To the advancement of learning he always lent a helping hand. Deeply indebted to education for the inestimable riches it had afforded him for the service of his country, he looked upon it as the foundation of true liberty and moral greatness. The act of Assembly incorporating a college, to be established in the borough of Carlisle, has happily perpetuated the remembrance of his munificent patronage of literature. It declares that, "In memory of the great and important services rendered to his country by his Excellency, John Dickinson, esq., President of the Supreme Executive Council, and in commemoration of his very liberal donation to the institution, the said college shall be for ever hereafter called and known by the name of Dickinson College."*

On the meeting of the Convention for the formation of the Federal Constitution, Mr. Dickinson appeared as a delegate from Delaware. His exertions were well directed and efficient; nor were they confined to the Convention. When the Constitution was submitted to the several States for their approval, it met with violent opposition. In its defence, Mr. Dickinson published a series of letters, under the signature of Fabius. These are able papers, and form a valuable portion of our constitutional literature. In 1792 he was a member of the convention which formed the constitution of Delaware. In 1797, he published another series of letters under the signature of Fabius, in which he treated of the troubled state of affairs in France, and evinced the strongest sentiments of gratitude, and most ardent wishes for the welfare of that country.

Retiring from the anxieties of public life, he settled at Wilmington, Delaware, where he spent his declining years, surrounded by friends who loved him, and by his books, which were a consolation to him in old age, as they had been his delight throughout a well spent life. The last work that appeared from his pen was an address to the people of the United States, on The Past, Present, and eventual Relations of that Country to France. He died on the fourteenth of February, 1808, at the age of seventy-five years.

* National Portrait Gallery, article John Dickinson.