The war-worn soldiers, reduced to the calamities of a seven years' arduous service, now solemnly pause and reflect on the peculiarity of their critical situation. The ravages of war had been extended through a country dearer to them than life, and thereby prevented that ample provision in service or reasonable recompense on their return to private life, that prudence required and gratitude powerfully dictated. They thought that the distresses of the army had before been brought to a point. "That they had borne all that men could bear; their property expended-their private resources at an end-their friends wearied out and disgusted with incessant applications." But another trial, severer than all, still awaits them; they are now to be disbanded and a separation to take place more distressing than every former scene! Till now the severe conflict was unseen or unattended to. Poverty and the gratitude of their country are their only reward. True, they are to return to their friends and fellow-citizens with blessings on their heads. The general liberty and independence are now secured, but yet want and dire distress stare many in the face. They are to return to wives and children, long used to dependence on the cold hand of charity, in hopes of a sure support from the success of the common cause, when their husband, father or child returned glorious from the field of conquest. Alas! these flattering hopes now are no more. their sufferings and perseverance, now rouses the patriotic fire. They again rejoice in the event; they unite in a firm, indissoluble bond, "gratefully to commemorate the event, which gave independence to America,-to inculcate to latest ages the duty of laying down in peace, arms assumed for public defence in war,-to continue their mutual friendship, which commenced under the pressure of common dangers, and to effectuate every act of beneficence, dictated by a spirit of brotherly kindness to any of their number and their families, who might unfortunately be under the necessity of receiving them;" and by this unanimous act establish this sacred truth, "that the glory of soldiers cannot be well completed without acting well the part of citizens." This, gentlemen, is your origin as a Society— the source from whence you sprang, and this day we are carrying on the work first begun in these social principles.* With a heart filled with unfeigned gratitude to the author of all our mercies, and overflowing with the most affectionate friendship toward you, suffer me to congratulate you on this seventeenth anniversary of our happy independence. Long, long, even to the remotest ages, may the citizens of this rising empire enjoy the triumph of this day; may they never forget the invaluable price which it costs, as well as the great purposes for which it was instituted, and may a frequent recurrence to the first principles of our constitution on this anniversary, be a Their country's exhausted treasury cannot constant source of security and permanence to yield them even the hard-earned pittance of a the rising fabric! May the rights of man and soldier's pay. Being urged on one hand by the the purity of a free, energetic, and independent subtle poison of inflammatory, violent and art-government be continually cherished and proful addresses, under the specious mask of pretended friendship, (the last expiring effort of a conquered foe,)-warned on the other hand by the experience, wisdom, and rational conduct of their beloved commander, their father and long-tried friend,-they solemnly deliberate. Some guardian angel, perhaps the happy genius of America, ever attendant on the object of her care, raises the drooping head, wipes the indignant, falling tear from the hardy soldier's eye, and suggests the happy expedient! Brotherly affection produces brotherly relief-the victorious bands unite together-they despise the infamous idea—they refuse to listen to the siren's song-they form the social tiethey cast in the remaining fragment of their scanty pay, and instead of seizing their arms and demanding their rights by menace and violence, they refuse "to lessen the dignity or sully the glory they had hitherto maintained. They determined to give one more proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of their complicated sufferings, and thereby afford an occasion to posterity to say, had that day been wanting, the world had not seen the last stage of political perfection, to which human nature is capable of attaining." The glorious certainty of peace, purchased by moted by every son of Cincinnatus! May the remembrance of those worthy heroes, once our The Society of the Cincinnati was established in 1783. On the tenth of May of that year, officers from the several regiments of the respective lines of the American army, met at the cantonment on Hudson river, where proposals were read and a committee appointed to prepare a plan of establishment. On the thirteenth instant a plan was submitted, and adopted, the principles of which were: "An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those exalted rights and liberties of human nature, for which they have fought and bled, and without which the high rank of a rational being is a curse instead of a blessing. "An unalterable determination to promote and cherish, between the respective States, that union and national honor so necessary to their happiness, and the future dignity of the American empire. "To render permanent the cordial affection subsisting among the officers. This spirit will dictate brotherly kindness in all things, and particularly extend to the most substantial acts of beneficence, according to the ability of the society, towards those officers and their families who unfortunately may be under the necessity of receiving it."* The General Society of Cincinnati, "for the sake of frequent communications," was divided into State societies, and these again into districts, under the direction of the State societies. Some of these societies still (1857) exist. See the proceedings of the New York Society of the Cincinnati, published in 1851. beloved companions, whose lives they did not | legislation of the Union or of a particular State, hold dear, when required for their country's with as much confidence as the noblest subject safety, animate us to preserve inviolate, what of an established monarchy. they purchased at so high a rate! May we, by the uniform conduct of good citizens and gen-vored republic among the nations of the earth, erous, faithful friends, show ourselves worthy proceeding from the successful revolution in of such valuable connections! which we this day rejoice. Long, long may you live to enjoy the reward of your labors, in the exercise of the duties of this honorable anniversary; and after a long life of services to your country, usefulness to your Society, and happiness to yourselves, may you leave your generation in the full enjoyment of peace and a sound constitution, justified by experience, for the example of which, nations yet unborn, shall rise up and call you blessed! And now, my respected audience, we appeal to your candor and generosity; you have heard our origin-you have known our conduct our Society is designed for the happiness and benefit of mankind-we have no secrets-we claim no separate privileges-we ask no independent immunities we are embarked in one common cause with you-we glory in one perfect political equality,-all we wish for, is the pleasure of renewing ancient friendships of the mutual remembrance of past labors and sufferings—the liberal exercise of that celestial principle, charity, and one common interest with you in the security of our liberty, property, and independence. We profess to be a band of brethren, united to our fellow-citizens by every tie of interest, gratitude, and love. Let us then go hand in hand with you, in looking forward to the happy state of our country, during a long succession of ages yet to come. We are encouraged in this animating hope by the numerous advantages arising to us, in a peculiar manner, from the happy revolution we commemorate this day; they are conspicuous in every quarter to which the view can be directed. If we turn our attention to the strong hope of every community, the rising generation, the world has yet enjoyed nothing equal to their advantages and future prospects. The road to honors, riches, usefulness, and fame, in this happy country, is open equally to all. The equality of citizens in its true sense must raise the most lively hopes, prompt the noblest exertions, and secure a certainty of success to all, who shall excel in the service of their country, without respect of persons. The meanest citizen of America educates his beloved child with a well founded hope, that if he should become equal to the task, he may rationally aspire to the command of our armies, a place in the cabinet, or even to the filling of the presidential chair; he stands on equal ground in regard to the first honors of the State, with the richest of his fellow-citizens. The child of the poorest laborer, by enjoying the means of education (afforded in almost every corner of this happy land) is trained up for, and is encouraged to look forward to a share in the This is a peculiar happiness of our highly fa Suffer me, ye fair daughters of New Jersey! to call on you also in a special manner, to add your invigorating smiles to the mirth and festivity of this day. Our happiness can be but half complete, if you refuse to crown the whole with your kind approbation. Have you not at all times and do you not still continue to participate deeply in the multiplied blessings of our common country? Raised from the humiliating state of your sex in most other countries, you also breathe the sacred air of freedom, and nobly unite your exertions for the general good. The Rights of Women are no longer strange sounds to an American ear; they are now heard as familiar terms in every part of the United States; and I devoutly hope that the day is not far distant, when we shall find them dignifying, in a distinguishing code, the jurisprudence of the several States in the Union. But in your domestic character, do you not also enjoy the most delightful contemplations arising from the Revolution of Seventeen Hundred and Seventy-six? Can you look on the children of your tenderest care, and reflect on the cheerful prospects opening upon them through life, without feeling the most lively emotions of gratitude for the inestimable privileges conferred on the citizens of America? Are not your resolutions strengthened and your endeavors redoubled, to furnish them with every qualification, both mental and personal, for the future service of a country thus rendered dear to you? But your share of the joy of this day does not rise from a single source. To whom are we more indebted for the origin of our present happiness, than to your delicate and discerning sex? In vain did Columbus, our great founder and discoverer, after settling the principles of his sound philosophy, apply to the wise men of his country. În vain did he solicit, in strains of the most suppliant humiliation, the different thrones of Europe, when kings considered themselves as God's vicegerents here below; despised by the ignorant-traduced by the malevolent-contemned by the great-laughed at by pretended philosophers-and trifled with by the arrogance of ministers and their hirelings; all his hopes and those of a New World had, at last, sunk in despair, and we, this day, might have mingled our fate with the slaves of the Old World, had not the penetrating wisdom and persevering magnanimity of the fair, but undaunted Isabella, the ornament of your sex, and the jealousy of ours, saved this Western World from the oblivion of more than five thousand years. Did she employ the excess of useless treasures in this happy adventure? No! after the refusal of her husband-despising | of the spirit and principles of our truly invaluthe appendages of brilliant royalty, when com- able constitution,-to respect and attention to pared with the general good of mankind, her magistrates of our own choice; and finally, by enlarged mind, incapable of being confined by our example as well as precept, add to the real the shackles of the age, found a resource in happiness of our fellow-men and the particular her costly jewels, which she freely offered as glory of our common country. a pledge, to accomplish the glorious discovery of the fourth quarter of the globe! To your sex, then, ladies, are we obliged to yield the palm: had this great event depended altogether on our sex, it is not easy to guess what our united fate had been at this moment. Instead of our present agreeable employment, we might have been hewers of wood and drawers of water to some mighty Pharaoh, whose tender mercies would have been cruelty. Your right, then, my fair auditory, to a large portion of the general joy, must be acknowledged to be of a superior kind. Do you, my worthy fellow-citizens, of every description, wish for more lasting matter of pleasure and satisfaction in contemplating the great events brought to your minds this day? Extend, then, your views to a distant period of future time. Look forward a few years, and behold our extended forests (now a pathless wilderness) converted into fruitful fields and busy towns. Take into view the pleasing shores of our immense lakes, united to the Atlantic States by a thousand winding canals, and beautified with rising cities, crowded with innumerable peaceful fleets, transporting the rich produce from one coast to another. Add to all this, what must most please every humane and benevolent mind, the ample provision thus made by the God of all flesh, for the reception of the nations of the earth, flying from the tyranny and oppression of the despots of the Old World, and say, if the prophecies of ancient times are not hastening to a fulfilment, when this wilderness shall blossom as a rosethe heathen be given to the Great Redeemer as his inheritance, and these uttermost parts of the earth for his possession. Who knows but the country for which we have fought and bled, may hereafter become a theatre of greater events than yet have been known to mankind? And may these great principles in the end become instrumental in bringing about that happy state of the world, when, from every human breast, joined by the grand chorus of the skies, shall arise with the profoundest reverence, that divinely celestial anthem of universal praise," Glory to God in the highest; peace on earth; good will towards men."* Shortly after the delivery of this oration it was published, and, in the following language dedicated to General Washington: "The great respect due to your public character, as the first servant of a nation of freemen, greatly heightened by a knowledge of the amiableness of your deportment in private life, have been additional arguments with me to dedicate an oration to you, which, however inadequate to the purpose, was designed to promote a reverence for that happy revolution, in which Divine Providence has been pleased to make you so peculiar an instrument. "A frequent recurrence to the first principles of our consti tution, and from thence to inculcate the necessity of a free, firm, and energetic government, in which liberty shall rise superior to licentiousness, and obedience to the laws become the best evidence of attachment to the independence of our common country, cannot but meet with your approbation. "This is the great object designed by instituting the anniversary of the Fourth of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, as a festival, to be sacredly observed by every true American. This is the day chosen by the defenders of our country, your friends and companions in arms, to meet together and rejoice in the recollection of past labors, while they receive the glorious reward of their services, by looking forward to the increasing prosperity of the Union, secured by their united exertions. proved to continue those principles to posterity, which led "It arose from a desire that this jubilee might be im them to arm in defence of their most invaluable privileges, that the society in this State instituted an oration on this anniversary, to commemorate the successful result of their sufferings, and to perpetuate a constitution founded on the rights of men, as men and citizens. "You, sir, as their head, must enjoy, in a very peculiar manner, the contemplation of these blessings, and to you every attempt in this important service will be most properly dedicated. May these invigorating prospects lead us to the exercise of every virtue, religious, moral and political. May we be roused to a circum-long spect conduct,-to an exact obedience to the laws of our own making,―to the preservation "Long may you personally experience their benign effects may you live to testify, by a successful practice, the truth of the theory established by your struggles in the cause of universal liberty." NON-INTERCOURSE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. On the eleventh of April, 1794, the House of Representatives having resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the motion of the seventh instant,* Mr. Boudinot rose and said: MR. CHAIRMAN,-When the fate of a nation of as much consequence as the United States, appears to be suspended on a vote, the least to be expected from gentlemen is, to act with freedom, deliberation, and independence. I suppose I shall be among those, who, at the taking of the question, will probably be found in the minority. This will be my vote, if I am convinced that I shall be single and alone. I feel myself deeply and seriously affected with a view of the precipice, on which, in my apprehension, my country seems to stand, and I wish, for my own part, to take a full and deliberate view of it, before I join in precipitating a leap that may not add to her safety or happiness. Reasoning, and not declamation, is to be expected from gentlemen in favor of the measure under consideration. I shall address myself to the judgments, and not to the passions of the committee. I acknowledge it may fall to my lot to mistake the true and essential interests of my country; but if this should be the case, I have the satisfaction of knowing that it will arise from the most honest and upright intentions. It is, therefore, on these principles that I shall proceed in giving my opinion on the important resolution on the table. But, before I proceed further, I must not forget the respectful compliment paid yesterday, by my honorable friend from Maryland (Mr. Smith), to my moderation and gray hairs; indeed, I should not have taken it to myself, as I have the honor of having white instead of gray hairs, had not Mr. S.'s attention been immediately fixed on me. If either age or moderation will command my worthy *The motion was submitted by Abraham Clark, a member from New Jersey, and, being amended, passed the House on the twenty-first of April, 1794. It is as follows: "Resolved, That until the government of Great Britain shall cause restitution to be made for all losses and damages sus tained by the citizens of the United States from armed ves or authority of the British king, contrary to the laws of na | friend's close consideration of this subject, I beseech him, as well as the other gentlemen of and seriously for a few moments, before the die the committee, to join in attending to it calmly is cast. I owe much, on behalf of my country, to that gentleman, for his services in the field during the late war, when both his zeal and his passions were rendered so eminently useful; I can with pleasure apologize at all times for his warmth and animation on any subject, when our common country is not to be affected. But will he permit me earnestly to request, that, with other members, he will call to mind, that we are now the representatives of four millions of people? Perhaps the lives of thousands of our fellow-citizens are depending on a single vote. The welfare of a country dearer to them than life is at stake. Gentlemen must, therefore, agree that the question is a serious one, and deserves to be treated with the most serious and deliberate consideration. Judgment, and not resentment, must direct the final determination, let it be what it may, and give a sanction to all your measures. The gentlemen against the question have been accused of want of propriety, in looking calmly, and without the exercise of their passions, on the sufferings of the unhappy prisoners at Algiers, and the piratical spoliations of our fellow-citizens in the West Indies. Yes, sir; when I know it is neither passion nor declamation that can afford effective relief to these suffering members of the political body, I shall continue to persist in that steady, serious, and deliberate line of conduct, that, in my estimation, is alone calculated to produce that permanent and efficient aid and relief, which their extreme distress so loudly calls for; but, in my turn, I ask the gentlemen to give up their warmth on this occasion, that they may also reflect, even without passion, on the number of their fellow-citizens that must fall a sacrifice in the most successful war. Will not the gentlemen weigh well that vote, that may possibly increase the number of mourning widows and helpless orphans? These considerations lead me to consider the measure now proposed, as of great moment and and considered in a manner becoming the legimportance, and to wish it may be reasoned on islators and representatives of United America, who have been sent here as her counsellors and trustees, and to whom she has committed her best and most sacred interests. For argument's sake, and to simplify the debate, lest I may be drawn into unnecessary disre-putation, I will concede for the present, the constitutionality of the resolution proposed; the right of the committee to originate and determine on the measure; the unprovoked aggressions of Great Britain to warrant and justify the prohibition. 7 These arguments had been repeated and urg-| same misfortunes, and our fellow-citizens to a ed with great apparent force, by gentlemen in repetition of sufferings, by a measure that profavor of the affirmative side of the question; mises not one important advantage to the Union, but, are the principles arising from these facts that I have heard of? In the late war, Amerisufficient to justify a determination in favor of ca had all the ports and harbors of the other so harsh and unprecedented a proceeding, with- European nations open to her; but now cirout previously demanding an explanation and cumstances will be altered; in case of a war, full indemnification, agreeably to the customs the very reverse will be our position, excepting and usages of other nations? as to those of France. I confess that my arguments are founded on the conviction that the resolution is a measure that will necessarily produce war; immediate, inevitable war. Will arguments of this kind satisfy our constitnents, if they find themselves suddenly plunged into an expensive and ruinous war? Will it not very naturally be asked, Why were not the true interests of the United States under these ex- My reasons are drawn from the present state isting circumstances carefully inquired into, of Great Britain, being in alliance with the and made the principal and leading object of principal powers of Europe, and under treaties attentive consideration? In my opinion, this to make all wars, arising from the united opposhould peculiarly be the sum of our present in-sition to France, a common cause. quiry, Is it not the duty of the committee critically to examine into the preparation they are in for a step, that, in the imagination of some gentlemen of character and reputation, at the last, may precipitate our country into an immediate war? Are our ports and harbors in any tolerable state of defence? Are our magazines and arsenals properly supplied? Are our citizens in a state of organization as militia? In short, does not the measure threaten a sudden transition from a state of profound peace and happiness, unequalled by any nation, into a state of war and bloodshed, without taking those previous and prudent measures that may probably lead to an avoidance of this national evil, or at all events enable us to meet it with decision and effect? Gentlemen have referred the committee to the conduct of America in 1776, and the success of the late war has been urged for our encouragement. The non-importation agreement has been recurred to as a precedent in point. I am well acquainted with most of the events of the late revolution. The first motions towards it, found me engaged in the common cause, and my best endeavors to complete and secure it, have never since been wanting. I well remember the consequences of the non-importation agree ment, and the sufferings of our brave fellowcitizens from that imprudent measure. I have tracked them over the frozen ground by their blood, from the want of shoes, and am sensible that many had perished by the inclemency of the season, for want of tents and clothing. That agreement is universally reprobated, as a measure imprudently entered into on the principle of expecting to be involved in a war, which had it been then contemplated, nothing could have justified. I appeal to the knowledge of many men who hear me, that this agreement has often been urged to Great Britain, as a conclusive evidence, that, at the time of its adoption, America had not the least intention of independence, or a separation from the mother country; otherwise, she could never have been guilty of so impolitic a resolution. I ask then, if the committee will now repeat the mistake with their eyes open, and expose our country to the The necessity she would have of employing her supernumerary hands, if not in manufactures, in her armies and navies, to prevent trouble at home, added to her old grudge against us on account of principles that promise much trouble to all the monarchs of Europe; her late conduct with regard to our trade, founded on the instructions of the 8th of June, and 6th of November last: her withholding the posts, contrary to any principle of justice and good faith, and against the most positive assurances; and lastly, from the anxiety to regain the territory between the Lakes and the Mississippi;-I agree that neither of these singly, nor even the whole together, could justify her in her own opinion, in making an open attack upon us, but might tempt her to construe the measure before the committee into an act of hostility on our part, as contrary to our professed neutrality. It is a point conceded in the laws of nations, that granting to one of the belligerent powers advantages in your ports which are refused to another, is a breach of neutrality. The object with Great Britain will be, to convince her allies, that the aggression arose on account of the war with France, to prevail on them to make it a common cause; and in this they will not want plausible evidence. It is not sufficient that we know ourselves innocent of the charge. We should be prudently careful not unnecessarily to give reason to justify the construction. If the previous steps of negotiation, used by all civilized nations, are neglected, they will have the advantage of the argument, and we shall injure ourselves. I ask if any gentleman will say that a prohibition of commerce at the eve of a war, or even the apprehension of it, is wisely calculated to clothe an army, replenish our magazines, supply our arsenals, or provide a revenue by which to support a war. I hope every member has taken the trouble I have, of looking into their stores, inquiring what is on hand, calculating what will be absolutely necessary, and reflecting seriously and dispassionately on the sources of supply. If they will, I doubt not but that they will find something more than passion and resentment |