womanly thoughtfulness, in co-operation with the many other noble women and men enlisted with her in this finest service to their country in its great need.

Both lived past fourscore, on duty valiantly and ably till the last, and both, cheerfully, joyfully, welcomed their summons home after their long day of worthy work, well done.

"Passing out of the shadow into the perfect light,

Stepping behind the curtain, getting a clearer sight."

The choir sang appropriately, "Homeland."

FREDERIC A. HINCKLEY remarked: Our mortal eyes cannot follow these friends of ours, who have thus preceded us into the unknown. It is well with them we trust. The reading of these memorials touches our hearts with holy memories. We leave our beloved ones, in perfect faith, in the arms of Infinite Wisdom and the bosom of Infinite Love.

DAVID FERRIS, of Wilmington, Del., read the following paper, on the

RESULTS OF OUR COLONIAL POLICY

The war with Spain began in April, 1898. Congress had unanimously voted $50,000,000 to prepare for war, and though Spain had yielded everything that could have been reasonably asked for, yet no moderate counsels could get consideration and our Republic was rushed headlong into that disastrous contest. Three months crushed the enfeebled power of Spain and a nominal peace was negotiated. It was a discouraging time for the friends of peace. Even Longwood seemed in a measure swept into the war current. A resolution: "That we hold to the vital principle of Christianity,-that evil must be overcome with good, that good will to all men is incumbent upon all, that all revenge is crime, that wars proceed from revenge and hatred and are radically opposed to pure Christian ity," would not pass and was laid over for further consideration. But this feeling could not last with our sober conscientious citizens and the "still, small voice" of truth was heard and heeded later. I left our Longwood meeting in June, 1898, discouraged. But in that I was not wise. If we do our part, faithfully, we will keep good heart, "God is living," and

one with him is a majority against the world. "God's ways seem dark, but soon or late they touch the shining hills of day." One after another the "voices of the true-hearted" were heard, giving no uncertain sound. Charles Norton Eliot, of Harvard, speaking to the students, said "Peace has nominally come, but less than a hundred days of war have resulted in a revolution in the United States. The foundations on which the republic rested have been unsettled. The principles upon which the government is founded have been violated. We, the one great non-military power of the world, have joined the ranks of the nations burdened with great armies and navies. Whatever disposition may be made of the Philippines we are, through holding them, brought into entangling relations with the nations of the old world. Our hearts are sorrowful that our nation should have turned its back upon its old ideals and, standing at the parting of the ways, should have chosen that ancient path-familiar to the old world-worn by the bloody feet of hapless generations, and which never led to anything but ill,-— the path of aggressive war, of foreign conquest, of alien territorial aggrandizement, the path that leads from trouble to trouble."

When the Yearly Meeting of 1899 came around, Longwood stood straight again. Then we had that great address of William Lloyd Garrison: "Imperialism the Betrayal of Democracy." I wish all here would read it, and observe how subsequent events have proved it prophetic. I quote some of his points: "As wealth and power increase freedom declines." "Show us a nation, readers of history, in which liberty ever survived the repudiation of its ideals." "Your own State of Pennsylvania has sounded a depth of corruption and shamelessness that makes its claim to self-government a farce. The vulgarian spoilsmen are your masters. The Keystone State is a type of the nation. The next presidential election is reckoned, not on the enlightened opinion of the people, but on the management of Mark Hanna and the bosses. The largest purse not the highest principle is expected to secure the race. The countrymen of Abraham Lincoln outdo in savagery the vanishing Spaniards. The shots from Otis and Lawton strike

at the freedom of not only eight millions of Orientals but at that of seventy millions of Americans. A government founded on the principle of the right of the people to choose their ruler is engaged in the effort to deprive a distant and alien nation of the same right. It declares, the only possible terms with the Filipinos is absolute subjugation. For this end it makes the same excuse that might has always employed. For territory which can never be populated by Americans, which can be retained only by military force, and the commercial cost of which compared with the possible profits would make it the wildest and most disastrous investment ever attempted by a free people, we are asked to barter our own principles and liberties."

Friends, do not results of our colonial policy justify every prediction, of C. N. Eliot and of Wm. Lloyd Garrison? George F. Hoar, in a speech in the U. S. Senate, May 22nd, 1902, gives a true picture of the results of our Colonial Policy in those islands to that date. He says "The conflict with the Philippines has cost us $600,000,000, thousands of American soldiers, the health and sanity of thousands more, and hundreds of thousands of Filipinos slain. We have sold the right to speak the sympathy which is in our hearts for people who are desolate and oppressed. For the Philippine islands we have got the hatred and sullen submission of a subjugated people. We have made the American flag, in the eyes of a numerous people, the emblem of sacrilege in Christian churches, of the burning of human dwellings and of the horror of the water Your practical statesmanship has succeeded in converting a people, who three years ago were ready to kiss the hem of the garment of the American and to welcome him as a liberator, into irreconcilable enemies whose hatred centuries may not eradicate. The practical statesmanship of the Declaration of Independence and of the Golden Rule would have cost only a few kind words, and would have earned for us the worthy title of Liberator, of Benefactor."

torture.

My friends, can we do nothing to save our nation from this disastrous Colonial Policy so rapidly wrecking our ideals of Republican government? We must come back to our first

principles, that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." We decided, years ago, that we must have no slaves, that our flag must wave over only a free people. We must decide that we will have no subject colonies, that all must be equal under our laws. The great and good Senator Hoar thought it right that he continue with his political party, although on this Colonial Policy they differed so radically; but he says in his interesting autobiography that when he had to conscientiously differ from them they always came in time to his convictions; and he continued to believe they would yet do so on this point, by giving their freedom to the Filipinos; that the time of their emancipation was near.

I wish the influence of Longwood might be earnestly used to bring this about. All delay gets our nation more deeply entangled in this intricate web of injustice, oppression and militarism so inimical to Republican government. We may exert a marked influence if we continue true to our oft-expressed convictions. True patriotism requires this of us. Let us be loyal and true.

"Flag of our Fathers, float on in thy glory!
Always thy red stand for justice and law,
Ever thy white tell the sweet Gospel story,
Never thy blue in its truth show a flaw.
And every lustrous star

Shine from thy folds afar

Over a people united and free,

Guarding this flag above,

Keep us, O God of Love!

Loyal to Country, to Manhood and Thee."

FREDERIC A. HINCKLEY followed Friend Ferris in an address here given in full, entitled,

SOME HOME PROBLEMS.

Longwood stands in the truth-seeking spirit for free discussion of the great problems of the hour. I have set myself the task this afternoon of considering some of these great problems, not otherwise provided for in the program of our meetings for 1905.

It seems to me that the most immediately important of these,

what I might call the previous question to all the others, is the problem of how to get integrity and purity in the administration of public affairs. According to our theory of government there are several distinct processes by which a new truth, or a new application of an old truth, gets a hearing, and becomes assimilated in the life of the people. The first process is moral agitation, the appeal to public opinion. The second process is the expression of public opinion at the ballot box. The third process is the enactment of the popular verdict into law. And the fourth process is the administration of the law by public servants designated by the people for that purpose. Each one of these processes is indispensable in the fabric of American life. If freedom of thought and speech drops out, the structure of free institutions falls to the ground. If there can be a permanent and universal subversion of an honest ballot and an honest count, the structure of free institutions falls to the ground. If the making of laws and the administration of public affairs in obedience to the verdict of the people can be generally and persistently overthrown, then the whole structure of our free institutions falls to the ground. No new truth, no new cause of human rights, no higher moral ideal of manhood or womanhood, has the slightest hope of success, unless these four processes vital to government of the people, for the people, and by the people, are scrupulously maintained. If the money power, or the lust for office, or both combined in an unholy union, can undermine the American spirit, and demoralize and destroy the fundamental channels for the expression of American purpose, then indeed this great democratic repub.. lic must ultimately fail, and all the hopes for a nobler realization of civic life, when men and women shall set themselves to each other, like perfect music unto noble words; when distribution shall undo excess, and each man have enough; when we shall forget race lines, and color lines in the great symphony of humanity, will go down in defeat and ruin. It has become a notorious fact that the power of accummulated wealth working with and through men who make a business of politics, is threatening all that we hold dear, all that the men in 1776 fought for, and the men from 1861 to 1865 fought for. In