heavens! I think Vicksburg has fallen." And so it proved to be. In the midst of our rejoicing over the victory at Gettysburg, won chiefly by General Hancock, a Pennsylvanian, here came the intelligence that on the same anniversary of American independence, another friend of Forrest, General Ulysses S. Grant, had captured that great point on the Mississippi River, and so forever re-opened that pathway to the sea. What a jolly night it was! what a supplement and sequel to the unparalleled Saturday and Sunday before, when the masses of all parties rose, full of gratitude for the victory of Gettysburg. And now, as if God Himself had directed the similarity, while our sacred flag was floating in triumph over the Confederates at one point, a victory almost as essential was achieved under the same banner at another. How eloquent Forrest was that evening! how full of praise of Grant! how the democratic politics of my dramatic friend broke out! "Here we have two of the grandest achievements in history; two of the most decisive victories for liberty; two events that will close out this hateful war and finally bring peace and brotherhood to this distracted nation, and won by two democrats! What have you got to say to that, my black republican friend?" He was so delighted with the night, that I never saw him in finer spirits. The world never produced a more interesting man, and I think he had no equal on any stage, American or European. Poor Forrest! He has gone to his long home, and we ne'er shall look upon his like again. It was indeed a remarkable coincidence. The news came by a despatch from acting Rear Admiral Porter, dated Flag-ship "Black Hawk," July 4th, 1863, as follows: "I have the honor to inform you that Vicksburg has surrendered to the United States forces on this 4th of July." In the evening of the 5th, President Lincoln made a great speech from the Executive Mansion in the city of Washington, in which he spoke of the magnificent courage of the troops at Gettysburg, who fought so rapidly, that their victories might be called "one great battle!" Stanton succeeded in a speech in which he referred in high eulogy to the recent deeds of the Army of the Potomac at Gettysburg. Gen. Halleck, Senators Wlison, Wilkinson, Lane, of Kansas; Representatives Washburn and Arnold also made speeches. Mr. Seward in reply remarked that "No nation could be saved without sacrifices; that if he could not save the country, he was here at the expense of all he held dear, he wished to be buried in its ruins." CHAPTER V. EDWARD EVERETT AND ABRAHAM LINCOLN PLEADING FOR RECONCILIATION WITH THE SOUTH ON THE BATTLEFIELD OF GETTYSBURG SEVENTEEN YEARS AGO. IT T will be seventeen years on the 19th of next November since I stood at the side of Edward Everett and Abraham Lincoln, at the dedication of the Gettysburg Cemetery, and heard those two historic men, a singular contrast to each other, the one the rugged, simple, honest, unsectional President of the United States, the other the polished, conservative, yet glowing and classic orator of Massachusetts, speaking above the graves of the martyrs who fell at Gettysburg on the 1st, 2d and 3d of July previous, in the hearing of living thousands before and around them. Among those on the stand were Secretary of State Seward, the Ministers of France and Italy, the French Admiral, Governor Curtin, who had just been re-elected by a tremendous majority, members of Congress and many representatives of the army and the navy. "One of the most impressive features of the solemnity," says Mr. David Wills, of Gettysburg, (whose unwearied labors in the organization and completion of this Campo Santo on Cemetery Hill ought never to be forgotten) "in the procession and on the grounds was a delegation of about fifty wounded soldiers of the Army of the Potomac from the York hospital. These men had been wounded at the battle of Gettysburg, and were present with the delegation to pay this just tribute to the remains of their fallen comrades. During the exercises their blanched cheeks were frequently suffused with tears." Mr. Lincoln's benediction-I will not call it a speech-is almost as familiar as the Lord's prayer, and the oration of Mr. Everett, grand and wonderful as it was thrilled the world; yet Mr. Everett said to Mr. Lincoln, at the close of this unrivalled address, "Ah! Mr. Lincoln, I would gladly give all my forty pages for your twenty lines." Of Mr. Everett's masterful discourse I wrote from Washington on the 25th of November, 1863, as follows: "What I wish to hint this morning is, that the friends of the Union should preserve and promulgate the truths he has set forth. Principles and maxims which are the offspring of eternal truth, can never be improved upon. There is nothing more exact, and severe, and undeviating than the right. But there are many ways to illustrate and defend the right; many ways to make plain principle look brighter to the common mind; many ways to strengthen and enforce the un. changing maxims of good government and good men." And yet, seventeen years ago Abraham Lincoln and Edward Everett both pleaded for peace on the battle-field still ridged with the graves of the martyrs, and both predicted the reconciliation of the sections. Edward Everett himself, spoke these wonderful words: EVERETT'S ORATION. No man can deplore more than I do, the miseries of every kind unavoidably incident to war. Who could stand in this spot and call to mind the scenes of the first day of July with any other feelings.? A sad foreboding of what would ensue if war should break out between North and South, has haunted me through life, and led me, perhaps too long, to tread in the path of hopeless compromise, in the fond endeavor to conciliate those who were pre-determined not to be conciliated. But it is not true, as it is pretended by the Rebels and their sympathizers, that the war has been carried on by the United States without entire regard to those temperaments which are enjoined by the law of nations, by our modern civilization, and by the spirit of Christianity. It would be quite easy to point out, in the recent military history of the leading European powers, acts of violence and cruelty, in the prosecution of their wars, to which no parallel can be found among us. In fact, when we consider the peculiar bitterness with which civil wars are almost invariably waged, we may justly boast of the manner in which the United States have carried on the contest. It is of course impossible to prevent the lawless acts of stragglers and deserters, or the occasional unwarrantable proceedings of subordinates on distant stations; but I do not believe there is, in all history, the record of a civil war of such gigantic dimensions where so little has been done in the spirit of vindictiveness as in this war, by the Government and commanders of the United States. No, my friends, that gracious Providence which overrules all things |