the term of office should be so long as the incumbent competently and faithfully performs his official duties; that, being selected for his capacity and integrity, he should be wholly independent of party; and that, consequently, offices are not spoils of party victories: That, the President has a supervisory power over all his appointees; that, he may dismiss them from office when they are faithless and incompetent; but that, being the officers of the law, the law prescribes their duties, with which he cannot interfere; nor has he rightful power to remove them for any cause, whatever, not connected with their official duties, much less for the purpose of punishing political opponents, or rewarding political friends.

II. The Tories believe, that, it is a proper employment of the executive patronage, to influence the elections, by the corrupting cry of "rotation in office," and the ministration of executive officers in party contests: That, it is just and politic to employ such patronage in influencing and directing the two Houses of Congress, rewarding with the highest honours of the nation, the most active and unscrupulous parti

sans.

The Whigs believe, that the voter should be kept as free. as possible from all official influence-that, official incumbents, being unrestrained in their political opinions, should cautiously abstain from bringing the influence of their places to bear upon the polls; and that, whilst members of Congress should be eligible, as, but not preferably to, other citizens, to official honours and emoluments, their appointments to place should never be purchased by party services, or obedience to executive commands.

III. The Tories advocate the equalization of imposts upon every species of import, not duty free; the surrender of protection for all manufactured articles not indispensable in war; the free importation of foreign manufactures, regardless of the destruction of our own; the reduction of the revenue to an amount barely sufficient to pay the army and navy, and the civil list; and that, the National Government should neither appropriate money for, nor direct any species of, public improvement.

The Whigs teach, that, the wants of the Government, whatever they may be, should be supplied by imposts upon such imports as rival and injure our manufactures, so far as this can be done, without prohibiting the imports; that, under this limitation, every species of domestic industry should be fostered; that, the revenue should be sufficient, not for a

wasteful expenditure upon visionary projects, but for the sup port of such schemes of public improvement, by roads, canals and rivers, as may tend to promote the public weal; and that, in effecting these objects, Congress may either subscribe money in aid of the enterprize of others, or may direct the execution of such works, by the agency of the public officers, in such way as to the assembled wisdom of the nation may seem meet.

IV. The Tories proclaim it sound policy to reduce the price of the public lands to a mere nominal amount; though such reduction can have but little effect to promote settlements, but must create and invigorate speculations, resulting in the enhancement of price to the settlers, and probably in the foundation of a landed aristocracy: And they also deem it wise to encourage the new States of the West in a fraudulent and threatening demand of the gratuitous gift of all the public lands within their respective limits,-generating discontent and bitter animosity among all the States.

The Whigs hold the public lands to be a beneficiary trust for all the States-that, they cannot be sold for a song, nor given away without a breach of good faith-that the proceeds of their sales may, and ought, when not required for national use, to, be appropriately divided among all the States for the purpose of internal improvement, in the equitable ratio of congressional representation.

V. The Tories consider the veto as an ordinary power of the Executive, to be used for the control and direction of the legislative power of the representatives of the people, whenever it opposes his notions of expediency—and to be made an instrument for rendering the people dependent for their happiness upon the President's will.

The Whigs deem the veto, an extraordinary power, designed for use upon special occasions, but chiefly for the protection of the constitutional rights of the Executive from invasion-to be rarely and discreetly exercised, to repress some great and apparent evil, but never to be employed to thwart the sense of the nation on matters of mere expediency, as expressed by its appropriate legislative agents, specially, delegated to provide for its wants.

VI. The Tories, hold that the President may not only negative all laws which he may deem inexpedient, but also such as Congress shall presume to initiate, without his previous assent.

The Whigs would confine the President to such powers in

regard to legislation as are given by the Constitution, and deem all other claims arrogant and dangerous presumptions.

VII. The Tories claim, for the President, the right to appeal, from the determinations of Congress, to the people, and to construe the responses of the people as he shall understand them; thereby creating an overruling power wholly irresponsible, and convertible into his own absolute will.

The Whigs recognize no power not found in the Constitution, while the Constitution is in force; know no mode of expressing the popular will, other than through the regularly constituted organs of the people; and hold all appeals from the established authorities, as the arts of the demagogue to obtain, for himself, absolute power.

VIII. The Tories deny to the Senate of the United States the right to inquire into the action of the executive department and the proceedings of its officers; because in case of impeachment they may be required to act judicially upon charges against such officers: thus depriving the Senate of its most important legislative power, that of inquiring into and correcting abuses.

The Whigs affirm, that, the Senate is a legislative body, which, except in originating money bills, has as unlimited and unqualified legislative powers as the House of Representatives; and not only may, but is bound by duty, to, inquire into the administration of the Government in all its branches, to aid in creating additional means for that administration where they are wanted, to investigate and expose abuses, and those who commit them, even though the guilty should fill the first offices of the State: And they also, believe that the Senate should not be diverted from this duty because the action of another body, over which it has no power, may result in impeachment. The offences which may be discovered and exposed by the Senate may not be impeachable; and if they be, the Senate is fully as capable of acting impartially, as judges, after such inquiry, as the ordinary judges of the land, upon ordinary offences, into which, before trial, they make inquiry, upon which they express an unequivocal opinion, by the commitment of the offender, and upon whom, they subsequently pronounce judgment.

IX. The Tories maintain, that, in our relations with the Indian tribes, might is right; that, though treaties with them were binding in our weakness, they are bonds feeble as flax touched by the fire, in our strength; that the national faith solemnly pledged to the natives and to foreigners for the in

dependence of the Indian race and the safe and uninterrupted possession of its lands, is to observed, only, so long as it may be enforced by peril in its breach; but that our power, the slave of our interest and convenience, may drive that race from the cradles of their children and the tombs of their fathers into the wilderness, to retrace their steps in the path of civilization or to perish in a state, uncongenial to their present habits: And that, the President of the United States may refuse to enforce such treaties and the laws made to support them, simply by assuming a right to dispense with all laws, treaties or otherwise, which he may choose to think unconstitutional.

The Whigs hold, national faith, the most valuable of national possessions, because when the hour of trial may come that champion is thrice armed who has his quarrel just: That, the weakness of the Indian tribes, does not, absolve us from the obligations of justice and solemn contract; but gives them additional claims upon our kindness and forbearance, in the greater need they have for our protection: That, the President of the United States is the servant of the law; that the obligation of treaties and laws cannot, depend upon his sense of their constitutionality; but that, he is bound by the acts of his predecessors and himself in making treaties `and making laws; and that if it were otherwise, the right to refuse to execute the laws, because he may believe, or pretend to believe them unconstitutional, would be a power to dispense with all laws, and would, indeed, make the President, what he has assiduously sought to become, the sole governor of the land.

Upon this concise and imperfect view of the principles which animate the prevailing parties of the country, it is obvious, that we are restored to the political state which existed before the election of 1834.-That the country is divided between parties impelled by antagonist principles:-That the party in power, like all parties in power, has a tendency to increase its power; and for that purpose has taken grounds that render the Executive paramount to the other branches of the Government; which give to the country, under republican forms, a Government, more despotic than monarchy in Great Britain or France, and which is operating a revolution.

That revolution the people, only, can stay, by a reformation in the administration; by the election of such representatives as will not be the servants of the administration, but its observers, its reprovers and its prosecutors, when occasion

shall require. Does not that House of Representatives need reform, whose members, forgetting that they are representatives of the people, seek office, distinction or popularity, by proclaiming their merits as soldiers of the administration? "I," said Mr. McCarty, of Indiana, in debate, on 2d February, 1835, "I am an older soldier in the service of the administration than that gentleman, (Mr. Lane) and have defended it from the earliest period, and will do so again, as long as I have the honour of a seat here." The man who could thus devote himself to party and to power, is in mind fitted for the slavery of an eastern harem, and justice should qualify him, physically, for the service. Body and mind should be equally emasculated.

To effect this reformation we appeal to the people, the whole people, not to the portions of parties, which, in squads of some ten to fifty office-seekers, claim to be the people; but to that great mass of the community which has no interest in the Government, save in its legal and faithful administration. That, sooner or later, that people will take their cause into their own hands, we cannot doubt; but, the longer they delay, the more difficult and perilous will be the effort. We say perilous; for history affords few examples of power illegally obtained, which has not been maintained by fraud and force.

That revolution will be stayed, but prompt activity is required. There are, and must ever be, many points of difference in a country so various and extensive as ours. But there is an interest dear to all, paramount to all, the preservation of the national freedom and integrity. This interest must swallow up all others; in its gratification all must seek delight— to preserve it, unanimity is indispensable among all those who see and feel the dangers which threaten it. They must surrender, in the selection of a Chief Magistrate, sectional feelings and personal predilections, and unite upon some individual, who shall be the representative of the principles of all, in relation to the violations of the Constitution, by President Jackson and the party which has used him for revolution.