for the justification of the President this was alleged to have been the fact. But, unfortunately, it was not true, and the allegation was clearly an afterthought. For all purposes of moral responsibility that which is not known, which does not appear, does not exist. The treaty was signed on the 30th May, at Constantinople, 4000 miles distant from Washington, and supposing the signature to have terminated the character of the agents, to affect the action of the President it must have been known to him, in proper season. The Senate adjourned on the 31st May, and the President knew not of the execution of the treaty for months afterwards.

But, the most extraordinary part of the case remains to be told. The ministers of the President, (under any other chief we would have said the ministers of the republic) who were supposed to be properly instructed in the history and politics of the State, which no one, it seems, in the Senate expected the President to be, had either led or suffered him to go wrong. Four of his cabinet counsellors had been members of the Senate during the memorable Panama discussion. One, the Secretary of the Navy, was the mover of the resolution declaratory of the rights of the Senate, and denying to the President the right then claimed, and here exercised; Another, Mr. Van Buren, was the most earnest advocate of those rights, denouncing the claim of power then preferred, as part of a long settled system, covertly, to increase the influence and patronage of the Executive; and all four united in the vote on that occasion denying the power to the Executive.

From these facts, one of two inferences is inevitable, either these Cabinet ministers, when Senators, were insincere and factious in their denunciations of the intentions of President Adams or convinced of their truth were disposed to aid President Jackson in the covert increase of influence and patronage, unless, indeed, we adopt the supposition, that, they little heeded such measures of the administration as came not within the pale of their respective departments. But this serves not Mr. Van Buren. He was directly charged with the management of General Jackson's foreign relations, and upon his advice the President, certainly, reposed. The inference, therefore, in relation to him, is, indeed, inevitable, that he wittingly usurped power forbidden by his own construction of the Constitution. He was fresh from the consideration of the subject; had examined it in all its bearings, knew and exposed its tendency; yet, recommended it to the President, and

aided to give it effect. He has, therefore, premeditatedly violated the Constitution to obtain power; yet ventures to solicit the suffrages of the people for that office, which will enable him most effectually to consummate a boundless ambition.

455. The Senate of the United States firmly withstood all the efforts of the administration to subject it. The arts of the administration were not unessayed. The highest offices of the country were open to such of the members as devoted themselves to its defence. Upon the second recomposition of the Cabinet, after the rejection of Mr. Taney and the resignation of Mr. McLane, Mr. Forsyth, Senator from Georgia, became Secretary of State, Mr. Dickerson, late Senator from New Jersey, Secretary of the Navy, whilst Mr. Wilkins, Senator from Pennsylvania, received the Russian mission, Mr. Buchanan's term in its use having expired.

456. In the House of Representatives the administration was more successful; it had obtained a majority of members which was adroitly managed by the Speaker whose allegiance had been entirely secured, even before his election to the House, by the assurance that he should have the important mission to England, which for near a year was kept vacant for him. The Speaker, even, when the majority of the House is against him, may impart much of the colour of his wishes to its proceedings. By artful construction of the rules and lex parliamentaria, he may give a desired direction to its business; may facilitate party measures concocted out of the House; by convenient deafness and shortsightedness may exclude from debate dangerous opponents; and by the appointment of Committees may give a first impression to any measure, and advance or retard it at pleasure. When the majority of the House is with him, all this may be done, not only with impunity, but with applause. The dark stain of turpitude is almost invisible, in the glare of success.

The election of Mr. Stevenson of Virginia, Speaker of the House in the 22d Congress, to the 23d Congress and to its presiding chair was truly anticipated and the Executive seems, to have, early, resolved to secure his allegiance by all those liens which he could weave around an ambitious mind. To him, therefore, the English mission was, confidentially, proposed on the 15th of March, 1833. The proposal was kept secret lest it should prevent his election. He went to the House, therefore, under a secret promise of a high office, the consideration for which he could not mistake, and presided when a bill was

passed, appropriating to himself, an annual salary of $9,000, and a like sun for outfit.

There cannot be a doubt that the Speaker paid the price which was expected. It is notorious, that, in performance of his ordinary official duties, he gave such offence, that some weeks elapsed, after his resignation, before the House tendered to him, reluctantly and ungraciously, the accustomed vote of thanks; and, that, his devotion to Executive measures separated him from the people of his district and the Legis lature of his State. The Senate of the United States, rejecting the nomination, most properly, set upon this collusion, the seal of reprobation for which there was never a more imperative requirement.

457. We have thus noticed the principal measures of the Jackson administration, with the exception of the manifold corruptions of the Post Office Department. This Department, upon the advent of the administration was in such prosperous condition, that, it not only paid its expenses, but gave a surplus of funds applicable to the general revenue. But in a few short years its receipts, were not only inadequate to pay the demands upon it, but it was involved in a debt of some hundred thousand dollars, which had been incurred, by extravagant contracts and extra allowances given to party agents. To meet the deficiency, the Postmaster General borrowed large sums, upon the credit of the United States without any authority, whatever, and directly in contravention of the Constitution. The measure was unanimously condemned in the Senate. Not a voice was raised to justify or extenuate the gross and criminal assumption of power. partial examination into the operations of the Post Office by a Committee of the Senate had developed many and enormous abuses, which induced the appointment of another Committee to prosecute the inquiry during the recess of Congress. After months of labour, that Committee developed and reported at the close of January 1835, a mass of corruption, which could scarce be paralleled in the most rotten governments of Europe. Unfortunately, this document, when published, will be so voluminous, that, it will not be read by the greater proportion of the citizens. We would, if it were before us, have, willingly, undertaken to prepare a synopsis of its contents; but must, now, content ourselves with giving the first action of the Senate, upon the report, in the form of a resolution now before that body.

A

"Resolved, That, the General Post Office is deeply in debt -its affairs in great disorder-its accounts and reports irregular, unsatisfactory, and in many instances untrue-that large sums of money have been wasted and paid over to favoured individuals, upon false pretences-and that its conduct and administration are justly the subjects of public complaint, and demand a radical reform."

We have denied that the President is responsible for the conduct of his appointees. If he were, all the turpitude of the administration of the Post Office would fall upon him, and he would be liable for impeachment for high crimes and misdemeanours. But the President has a supervisory power which requires him to remove from office for incompetence or malfeasance. Admit him to have been totally ignorant of the crimes of the officers of the Post Office department previous to the investigation of 1834, he became, or might have become, fully instructed in regard to the report of the committee. Admit that, he chose to ascribe much of that report to party action, it was impossible for him to have placed upon that ground the condemnation of the Post Master General, for illegally borrowing monies upon the credit of the U. States; since the flagrancy and enormity of the offence called forth an unanimous vote of reprobation in the Senate. What then became the duty of the President, upon the principles recognized by all parties? Was it not the removal of the unfaithful officer? But so far from doing this, the President has retained and commended him, and sought to bring the odium of the people upon the Senate; perverting the powers vested in him by the laws to the protection of bribery, peculation and direct violation of the Constitution. Is it asked what inducement had the President for such a course? The answer is at hand. The Post Master General had the most abundant means, and was the most efficient agent, in support of the Jackson party; and whatever he may merit from the country, he deserves thanks and protection from those he has faithfully and ably served.

RECAPITULATION.

458. The measures which President Jackson has originated or sustained, reprehensible as they are in present infliction, have an aspect yet more fearful and portentous. They have become precedents, which, as articles of party faith, guiding future practice, threaten to overthrow the most valuable institutions of the country. His official term draws to a close, the influence of his name will pass away, but the evil he has countenanced will live after him. The successor whom he has designated, entertains, as is understood, all the dangerous doctrines which the present incumbent has maintained. He is of middle age, artful and ambitious, with faculties in full vigour, and with a disposition and means to carry those doctrines out to their most dangerous results. In a word, the doctrines of Jacksonism are party doctrines, and as such are to be dreaded and combatted. We will exhibit a summary of them, and contrast them with those professed by the Whigs. This exposition will show, that no name was ever more misapplied, than that of Democratic Republicans, which has been assumed by the Jackson party. Their true designation is Tory; which has long characterized the party, which in free governments is opposed to representative democracy.

I. The Tories hold, that, the President, as the depositary of the executive power, has the right to control and direct every officer who is appointed by him, or his appointees:— That, he may dismiss any such officer at his pleasure, for causes which have, or have not, relation to his official duties: That, all offices are distributable, as rewards to devoted partisans, to be holden so long, only, as the incumbent performs the party services required of him: That, in the appointment to office, the Senate is bound to confirm all nominations made by the President, under the pain of being deemed factious, and a worthless excressence upon the body politic.

The Whigs hold, that, in appointments to office, the voice of the Senate is as potential and independent as that of the President, the one to nominate and the other to confirm; and that, it is the duty of the President, to submit every nomination for confirmation, at the earliest possible period: That,