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As to the privileges of corporations, they appear to be reserved as plainly as words can express. For though the fifth article of this commercial treaty, granting a mutual freedom of trade in each country, be materially the same as it was in the treaty of Utrecht; and though the following words in the latter treaty are left out in the one now concluded, namely, on this condition, however that they shall not sell the same by retail in shops, or any where else;' chis omission, the ground of his apprehenfions, is supplied by words more conclufive : - Neither are they to be burthened with any impositions or duties on account of the said freedom of trade, or for any other cause whatsoever, except those which are to be paid for their hips and merchandizes conformably to the regulations of the present treaty, or those to which the subjects of the two contrading parties fail themselves be liable.' Consequently, a Frenchman can no more open a retail shop in Cheapfide, than an Englisman who is not a mernber of che cor. poration of London.
Description of its precarious Situation ; and the consequent Dan-
25. Cadell. 1787. The occasion and objects of this representation, are thus explained in the Preface :
• My residence during five months in the centre of those tumults, which have been so disgraceful and injurious to one province in Ireland, and an extensive correspondence with the clergy, afforded me opportunities of knowing fa&ts. It was my official duty to collect, and to communicate them : for such a proceeding alone could spread the necessary alarm to the inhabitants of the more diftant parts of the kingdom, and even of the capital ; who were taught to think those disturbances of little moment. There was likewise as great a decellity to take measures for vindicating the character of the national clergy, and asserting their legal and constitutional rights, as for securing their persons from further violence. A state of the church, laid before the public, without reserve of any kind, appeared to me the only fure method of removing prejudices; of defeating malevolence; of fruftrating schemes for undermining the constitution; and clearing
away such obstructions, as the union of persons, actuated by those different motives, might create, to the good intentions of his Grace the Lord Lieutenant.
The Bishop enters into a very sensible and candid inquiry concerning our ecclesiastical constitution, which, he contends, is per. fe&tly suitable to the liberality of our political system of government: and further shews, that, ' on a review of the several countries in Europe, one cannot fail to observe, that almost every legislacure has adopted an ecclesiastical polity, conformable to the genius of the civil constitution. At the same time that he urges the neceility of sup
porting this polity, he considers the Roman Catholics, and other Diflenters, as intitled to a full toleration and freedom of religion. But the Catholics are all zealous in making proselytes; and the Presbyterians of Ireland are Independents in a civil view, whose
principles do not, like those of the Roman Catholics, tend to set up, but merely to pull down an ecclesiastical establishment. Hence results this conclusion, that of the three persuasions, the members of the established church alone can be cordial friends to the intire constitution of this realm, with perfect consistency of principle.'
From this view of the general principles of the two great bodies of Diflenters, it is evident, that though they may acquiesce for a time, in establishments which they dislike, from love of quiet; yet whenever a safe opportunity thall offer, to give free fcope, those prin. ciples will operate. The weight of the national church ought therefore to be preserved, in the balance of the State ; which balance must be as effectually destroyed, by whatever weakens the ecclefiaftical establishment, as by a positive addition of strength to either of the Diffenting communions. That this is the immediate tendency, if not the premeditated design, not only of the riotous proceedings in Munster, but of the principles disseminated by some of the public prints, shall be clearly proved in the following pages.'
This leads the Author to a full inquiry into the nature of tithes as a stated provision for the national clergy, in opposition to the friends to innovation who aim at a reduction of their inconies. The right of the clergy to tithes has indeed been fufficiently agitated; and could we enter again into so well known a subject, it would appear that it has never been argued in a more dispassionate manner, nor the difficulty of fubftituting a satisfactory equivalent for them been lo fully stated, as in the present performance. But still nothing that has been said in behalf of tithes, can obviate an appearance of bear. ing hard upon industry. If any thing could, it would perhaps be the argument ihat they are a provision adapted to the variations of fer
tility, rising and falling according to the state of crops, and the ability of the farmer; and that if they were relinquished, it would not operate to the ease of the farmer, but for the emolument of his landlord.
But, however cogent the objections against tithes may be, the clergy of Ireland do not appear to be an enviable clats of men with Jespect to this mode of maintenance, whatever may be said of their brethren in more favourable fituacions : as will be evident from a comparison between the two churches of England and Ireland.
· That of England is completely settled. That of Ireland is scarce half advanced to a settlement.-The country in England is divided into parishes so small, that every district is accommodated with a church, and house for a resident minister. The country in Ireland is divided into parishes and unions so extensive, thac it is phyfically imposible for the clergyman to perform his duty properly : and few of those parishes are furnithed with glebes, and itill fewer with houses, a defect which an impoverished clergy can never supply.
- The higher ranks of the clergy in England are supported by the Jands belonging to ancient Chapters, or other religious enablin. The ecclefiaftical dignities in Ireland depend on tithes.
In England, the legal rights of the clergy, including tithe of those articles which conftitute the food of the poorest class, are not withheld by mobs, by associations against law, by arbitrary resolutions of one House of Parliament: In many parts of Ireland, particular kinds of tithes are already given up by the clergy to the violence of the populace, to illegal combinations, to a want of confidence in the oaths of jorymen, and to the dread of displeasing the House of Com. mons. In many parts of Uliter, potatoes, the food of the poor, are totally exempted (as above) from paying tithes; and fax, the material of their industry, is subject (very wisely and equitably to be sure !) to the payment of sixpence only, let the quantity be great or mall. The landed gentlemen grudge not to the clergy the entire privilege of contributing to the relief, or employment of the poor. But ftill they do not forget entirely, that the clergy could spare somewhat even to them; for with the same distributive justice they fixed a rate (which they are pleased to style a modus) of 6d. for any quantity of hay, great or small : by this happy expedient completing that admirable plan for the depopulation of the kingdom, begun fo hopefully by their representatives in the vote on Agiltment.-In England, tithe in kind is given without murmuring, for in England, property is considered as a thing facred; and the landed gentleman does not look with indifference on forcible invasions of it, though he allows his tenant a comfortable maintenance. In Ireland the clergyman is reviled, even in the great councils of the nation, as an extortioner, for asking half the value of his tithe; and represented as an oppressor of the poor, because he does not contribute more than half his tenth, to help the cottager to pay an exorbitant rent for the other nine parts; no credit being allowed to him, for giving up his tithe of all the grass-lands, and several other articles, from love of peace, not from ignorance of the legality of the demand. - The ascendency of the established church, and the Protestant interest, is secure in England. Though there are Diffenters of many various denominations, yet their united number is trilling, compared to that of the members of the established church ; and they are almost all Protestants. In Ireland, the Protestants are not one-fourth of the people; the members of the establishment, little more than an eighth. The landed gentleman in England has no reason to apprehend the growth of Popery; nor, should it prevail, has he the same motives to dread is, as the landed gentleman in this kingdom.'
To these circumitaoces is to be added the very great obstacle to an intercourse between the clergy and the people, by the difference of their language; while a Catholic priett is always at hand who is master of the Irish language.
The Buhop gives a circumstantial detail of the sufferings of the clergy under the outrageous combinations that have of late let all law ard government at defiance: but the news papers have so plentifully informed us of their excefies, that our Readers need only allift their recollections with the above recited general state of ecclefiaftical affairs, to conceive the arduous talk of clerical incumbents to fulfil their obligations in fuch irksome circumstances.
The principal obstructions which the national clergy of Ireland hare to overcome, in order to a due discharge of their duty, are re.
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duced to three ; the want of churches, the want of glebes, and the
Treating of the agency of Romish missionaries in spiriting up the common people to insurrections, the Bishop adverts to the letters of Mr. O'Leary; and though he does not affirm that the writer intends to sow sedition, he still thinks them calculated to raise discontent and indignation in the Roman Catholic peasantry, against the national clergy, the legislature, the executive power, and their Proteftant fellow subjects :' and such a tendency is certainly discoverable in the extracts here given from his letters to the White Boys.
duet of Warren Hastings, Esq. Sir John Clavering, K. B. Colonel
This pamphlet is not what the title is calculated to make it
K. B. and Richard Barwell, Esq. to Sir Thomas Rumbold, Bart.
These letters, by the aid of Italics, and short notes to particular
N. Art. An Appeal to the People of England and Scotland in Behalf
of Warren Hastings, Esq. 8vo. 18. 6d. Debrett 1787. This appeal from the senate house to the fire fide is a very well written apology for Mr. Haftings. It pleads the emergency of circumftances and manners of the people, in extenuation of the measures they dictated, principally with respect to the two Begums. It is probably, the work of the Governor General's vigilant and well known friend* who manages the argumentum ad hominem very dexterously against his accusers.
The reasoning in behalf of Mr. Hastings is so far just, as to shew, that it would be cruel to try his conduct in Indoftan according to the ftrict code of religion, morality, and the customs of this country. For if we assume a dominion over a people, whose modes of thinking and customs differ materially from ours, it is to be maintained by adapting o’r adminiftration to their apprehenfions, and not to the appre. henfions of people in this country. Thus, for instance, any particular transadion may meet with a harsh ceasure here; yet if it an
Saya the appeal was written by Dr Thomson , Editor of Canning anis Sistony.
swers a good purpose, without violating their ideas of government, it is clearly meritorious.
The conduct of a British Chief in peculiar situations, is therefore rather to be estimated by the general outline of his success, an estimation on the spot, than by minute scrutinies into detached instances here. If this be not found doctrine, it must be absurd to grasp Indian sceptres; and it would be more to our credit to lay them down, than to suffer them to be wreited out of our feeble hands
Ni Art. 16. The real Situation of the East-India Company confidered,
with respect to their Rights and Privileges, unuer the Operation of the late Acts of Parliament, establishing a Buard of Controul and a Committee of Secrecy. By George Tierney, Esq; 8vo. 25. Debrett. 1787.
By the late statute to regulate the Eaft-India Company, the King was im powered to appoint fix privy-counsellors, of whom, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and one of the Secretaries of State are to be cwo, as commissioners to superintend and controul all measures of the Court of Directors, any wile relating to the civil or military government, and revenues, of the British territorial poffeffions in India. In consequence, all dispatches to and from India, relating to these objeets are to be submitted to the Board of Controul ; whose orders the Directors of the company are bound to. obey.
If the Court of Directors receive orders from the Board of Controul, relating to points unconnected, in their opinion, with civil or military government or revenues; they may appeal to the King in council, by petition, for a final decision.
If the Board of Controul deem the object of their deliberations concerning the making war or peace, or negociating with any of the native princes or states in India, to require secrecy, they may transmit their orders to India through the medium of the secret committee of three Directors, who are to send them without disclosing their contents : and the Presidencies are to obey them, and return their answers in like confidential manner.
The power of appointing and dismising servants of the Company, is reserved to the Directors.
Such is the general plan under which the affairs of the Company are at present managed; and the writer now before us remarks, : That the trade of the Company may be ably carried on by twenty-four gentlemen, acting in concert with, and under the di rection of a superior Board, I can readily conceive ; but to suppose it can continue to thrive under the management of a set of men who have no authority, acting in opposition to a Board who have the entire superi":tendance of all our territories in India, who have the right of making war and peace, the arrangement of all matters of revenue, and the office of negociating with every power in the country from whence this trade is to flow, is a position which I should beg leave to question. It is to be considered, that our connecrion with India stands upon a very different footing from what it originally did. Commerce and territory are now so intimately blended, that their respective consequence must, perhaps, entirely depend on their united exertions,'