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Jaughter, the issue of the war gave him little uneasiness. It feli. more heavily on D'ALEMBERT, and exposed him, even at home, to much contradiction and opposition,
It was on this occasion that the (late) King of Prussia offered him an honourable asylum at his court, and the place of president of his Academy; and was not offended at his refusal of these distinctions, but cultivated an intimate friendship with him during the rett of his lise. He had refused, some time before this, a proposal made by the Empress of Russia, to entrust bim with the education of the Grand Duke ;-a proposal accompanied with all the flattering offers that could tempt a man, ambitious of titles, or desirous of making an ample fortune: but the obje&s of his ambition were tranquillity and study.
In the year 1765, he published his Dissertation on the Destruction of the Jesuits. This piece drew upon him
a swarm of adverfaries, who confirmed the merit and credit of his work by their manner of attacking it.
Beside the works of this eminent man already mentioned, he published nine volumes of memoirs and treatises, under the title of Opuscules; in which he has solved a multitude of problems relative to astronomy, mashematics, and natural philosophy; of which our Panegyrilt gives a particular account, more especially of those which exhibit new subjects, or new methods of inveftigation.
He published also Elements of Music, and rendered, at length, the Tylem of Rameau intelligible; but he did not think the mathemacical theory of the sonorous body sufficient to account for the rules of that art. He was always fond of music; which, on the one hand, is connected with the most subtle and learned researches of rational mechanics; while, on the other, its power over the senses, and the soul, exhibits, to philosophers, phenomena no less fingular, and still more inexplicable.
In the year 1772, he was chosen !ecretary to the French Academy. He formed, soon after this preferment, the design of wricing the lives of all the deceased Academicians, from 1700 to 1772; and, in the space of three years, he executed this design, by composing seventy eulogies.
M. D'ALEMBERT died on the 29th of O&ober 1783. There were many amiable lines of candour, modesty, disinterestedness, and beneficence in his moral character; which are here described with a diffusive detail, whose length and uniformity (as these lines exhibit nothing very striking or extraordinary) make their imprellion more faint than it would have been, if ihe description had been reduced within a narrower compass. M. CONDORCET concludes this moral portrait in the following manner :
" M. D'ALEMBERT pafled the last days of his life in a numerous company, listening to their conversation, and animating
it frequently by witty jokes and pleasant stories. He was the only person of the company who remained calm, and could occupy his mind about other objects than himself; the only one who had strength of mind sufficient to give himself up to merria ment and frivolous amusements.”-(This is something like DAVID and CHARON).
M [The Memoirs will be reviewed in another Article.)
Μ Ο Ν Τ Η LY CATALOGUE,
For MARCH, 1787.
UNION with IRELAND.
equally beneficial to each Kingdom. With supplementary Observa-
and Ireland, as a general proposition, without feeming to be aware of objections urged to its practicability; and he is equally zealous in diffuading the Irish from any efforts toward indepenience.
When a man evidently intends well, it is disagreeable to check his ardour, by telling him he had better leave the publication of fentiments to those who possess more address in digesting and expressing them. Every honest well-meaning man is an honour to his country, and cannot fail of doing public service by inculcating good principles in his private capacity ; but before a speculator ventures to publish his thoughts, he ought to be well assured of having something to communicate sufficiently important to challenge public attention. When two acquaintances meet in the rain, it is very natural for one of them to tell the other chat it is a wet day; a simple assent to so evident a position is given, without stopping to controvert it, and so the matter ends. But it is far otherwise when a man is charged eighteen pence, and required to read fifty pages, to be informed of matters that he knew before.
N. Art. 14. Considerations on the Political and Commercial Circumstances
of Great Britain and Ireland, as they are connected with each other; and on the most probable Means of effecting a Settlement between them ; tending to promote the Interests of both. 8vo. 25. Debrett. 1787.
This Writer enters largely into those obstacles that render a legirlative union with Ireland impracticable, and thews the advantages of a commercial union on such terms of liberal equality as, considering the swo islands as one extended country, may produce from every part of it the most chat ics foil or situation is capable of affording.
This can only be accomplished by a reciprocal interchange of com. modities, which are either the natural growth of the several distrieis, or the artificial productions of industry, brought nearly to perfection there : any thing that tends to restrain this freedom of exchange, so far as it operates, counteracts the design of promoting the general cultivation of local advantages.' He confirms this doctrine by a simple illustration. If every yard of cloth manufactured in YorkShire, hould be taxed a shilling as soon as it entered Lancashire, it would produce a double effect prejudicial to both countries; it would diminith the demand for cloth' in Lancashire, and therefore narrow the Yorkshire market, and so far as the remaining consumption of cloth in Lancashire became necessary to subsistence, it would lay a charge upon every work carried on in that county.'
But the fond idea of equality and independence, withstands a conformity with our navigation-adi, and a contribution of revenue, until some expedient can be invented, to secure those indispensable objects and at the same time cheat the devil; which we never scruple when we have a good end in view, to cover a fraud upon one whose part is taken by nobody. Our Author, under the influence of a liberal policy, would leave these grand points open to the discretion of the Irish legislature ; in full confidence that their wisdom and generosity wonld operate with all the force of obligation. We honestly confess, we never saw cause to justify any reliance on political generosity, and least of all, to expect it from fuctuating bodies of men ; if, therefore, any hazards are to be incurred, we are cordially disposed to leave them to the thare of the personage before mentioned.
N. COMMERCIAL TREATY with FRANCE. Art. 15. Observations on the Agricultural and Political Tendency of
the Commercial Treaty. 8vo. 15. Debrett. The subject of this treaty is said to present itself in a threefold point of view, its commercial, agricultural, and political tendency. This Author directs his attention to the two latter confiderations ; premising, “That if the treaty with France breaks in upon any approved principle of national policy, however great may be its commercial advantages, it ought not to be adopted. That it has such a tendency is all that its opponents have to demonstrate, while those who defend it, must, to entitle it to the public support, lew that it is conducive to the interests of commerce, without probable injury to our agriculture, and without violating any important principle of policy.' He foon after extends his condemnation of the treaty to all the three points without exception.
The result of his political examination is, 'that from the earliest ages there has subfifted on the part of France toward this country and its liberties, a disposition neither to be fubdued by force, nor conciliated by kindness:' and, that the empire Nill exifts, we owe to the defeated projects of her boundless ambition, by a tenacious adherence to the sound maxims of our ancestors.' These maxims then di&tating a perpetual deadly feud, when was it that we vainly tried those conciliatory acts of kindness he reproaches the French with spurning? Our ancestors never tried them, by his own statement;
and under a persuasion of the foundness of their maxims, our Author argues that they never ought to be tried : delenda eft Carthago ; but has he foreknowledge or confidence sufficient to point out Carthage ?
When he argues upon the supposition, that under this treaty it is • agreed, that henceforth France shall be at liberty to export British manufactures upon the same terms with Britain herself;' and that America will be supplied through this medium, rather than by a direct intercourse: it is imagined we need not enter farther into his commercial reasoning against the measure. In brief, France is to become che general carrier of British manufactures ; our arable land is to be converted to pasture for the raising of wool; our ploughmen and sailors are to dwindle into manufacturers; our navigation-act, according to the fashionable parliamentary phrase, is done away ; and the greatness of Britain is no more !
N. Art. 16. An Appeal to the Landed Interest of Great Britain, on the
Operation of the Commercial Treaty with France. By a Coun. try Gentleman. 8vo. is. 6d. Debrett.
Under the character assumed by the present Writer; he declares, that however liberal the principle may be, that suggests an union of interests between manufacturers and land owners, it is an uncontro. vertible fact that nature has set an insuperable bound to such a connec. tion. For while commerce can flourish but by throwing the taxes on the landed interest, it is imposing too severe a talk on human frailty to expect that the will willingly submit to a fair participation of the public burdens.'
It passes current indeed in common discourse, that all taxes fall ultimately on land. But we do not understand how the landlord, or raiser of a raw material, is injured by a duty paid after it has assumed a new form under the creative hand of the artisan. Manu. facture is necessary to make it marketable, and provided the tax is not so heavy as to defeat its purpose by reducing consumption, it is vltimately defrayed by the consumer, with a profit to the dealer for the advance. Our Author complains, that beside what land-owners contribute jointly with their fellow subjects (as consumers), they labour under oppressions specifically their own, • arising nearly to the enormous amount of half the natio. al revenue.' If then we accept his own calculation, and with him consider the body of the people as composed of two classes, land-owners and manufacturers, it appears that, at least, the latter • submit to a fair participation of the public burden :' and farther, that they raise it by the mere force of personal industry, and not as the indolent claimants of incomes growing from hereditary property. When our Author afferts that the first principle of commerce is monopoly *; it may be hinted, that there are not wanting philosophical politicians, who contend that the monopoly molt injurious to the interests of the community, is that of land. Leaving such points however to be adjusted between the country gentleman and the manufa&turer, the tendency of this appeal is to Thew, that the commercial treaty will be the destruclion of the British corn distillery; and that the Hovering-act is defeated by' a general invitation to the French cutters, luggers, and all those
* Pamphlet, p. 13. Råv. March 1787
other vessels, which if English, would be immediately confiscated, to come and exercise their trade on the English coaft, without a fear of moleftation.'
For his own ease, the Author adopts several statements made by other opponents to this measure, to Thew that it will operate materially to injure the revenue. He adds, . It has been urged, that this deficiency will be made good by the increase of customs on French goods; but let it be recollected, that this increase of customs on French goods can only be obtained by a proportionable decrease of excises on our own. It should also be recollected, that unless we are supplied with French goods on the terms fuggested by another writer on the same side of the question *, we must
give English goods in exchange for them; and money accruing from an extended foreign trade, will on all hands be allowed to be at least as acceptable as ir raised by excises on internal consumption.
On the whole, the writer deems the permanent interests of proprietors of land sacrificed to immediate commercial views, by this new-fangled treaty, this ill-begotten, undigested mass of absurdity and contradictions.'
N. Art. 17. Sentiments on the Interests of Great Britain. With Thoughts
on the Politics of France, and on the Accession of the Elector of Hanover to the German League. 8vo. 25. Robson, &c.
In pointing out what he deems the true interests of Britain, this Writer is, by his own account, only amusing himself in vain efforts to cwist a rope of fand : for to what end do we oppose the aggrandisement of the house of Bourbon, if all the sceptres in Europe are inevitably doomed to fall into their hands? Under such a fatality, there is nothing left for us but despair.
Such indeed, he declares, must ultimately be the consequence of their pretended falique law. This is a truth as clear and demonftrable as any proposition in Euclid. For in the first place, this law effectually prevents any foreign prince becoming intitled to their crown, though they never fail of availing themselves of the laws of other nations respecting descents; confequently their alliances with foreign powers must, one time or other (however diftant it may be), make the house of Bourbon heirs to all the crowns in Europe. We have strong proofs of this in their having already acquired the kingdoms of Spain and Naples, the duchies of Parma and Burgundy, &c. &c. There are but three different modes by which this growing political evil can be put a fop to; the first is (by a joint confederacy of all the powers in Europe) to oblige them to repeal the falic law; the second to establish it' in all their kingdoms; and the third, for all the other royal houses in Europe to refuse forming any matrimonial alliances with that of Bourbon. The last would evidently be the leaft effe&tual, in consequence of the number of alliances already formed.'
But where once a general confederacy of all the other powers in Europe is formed on this grand occasion, they will have no reason to stop at the least effectual measure to relieve themselves ; while more