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in 1848 amounted to 102,500,000 rubles, while the paper money issued by the Bank of Assignats, it is pretended, amounted only to 600,000,000 or 700,000,000. But this must be rated higher. Well informed men maintain, with confidence, that the money in the State treasury is rated much too high, and add, "there may be paper there, indeed, but no money." It is true that at the yearly visitations of the treasury some merchants are invited to attend, and they say, "Yes, they did open one or two bags, but we do not know what was in the rest!" and thus show what sort of comedy has been performed before them. Men laugh when allusion is made to the immense productions of the mines of Siberia, for it is well known how carefully they are managed, and how insignificant is the return compared with the cost of working them. However, if we could believe there were 102,500,000 rubles in cash in the treasury, there are still some striking facts which force us to think very lightly of the wealth of the State. In 1847, when Russia so magnanimously sent the precious metals to support despotism abroad, all the coined silver and gold was withdrawn from circulation throughout the land. This shows how poor the population is. Every well informed statesman knows, also, the national poverty of Russia, notwithstanding her valuable natural resources. We have much more reliable accounts of the expenses of the State than of its income, for less secrecy is practiced in the former than in the latter case. We may safely say of the general condition of the finances, that since the great contributions from Prussia and Turkey ceased there has been a great and continual increase of the national debt. We should say of a private man under such circumstances, that he stood on the verge of bankruptcy.

The annual expenses of Russia amount to 170,000,000 rubles: 36,000,000 for the land-forces; 32,000,000 for the ministry of the interior; 31,000,000 for miscellaneous expenses attending the collection of the revenue, &c.; 23,000,000 for the ministry of finance; 12,000,000 for the fleet; 9,000,000 for the private chest of the Emperor; 8,000,000 for the expenses of the imperial manufactories; 7,000,000 for the mines; and finally, 3,500,000 for the so-called ministry of public education, which here is a subject of merriment. These facts explain the continual increase of the national debt.

From the financial condition of the people, it is plain that Russia must borrow money not at home but abroad. But as

the foreign money-lenders in the most recent times would not accommodate Russia as before, so in 1848 there would have been a sad financial crisis in the state, if the price of grain had not been so high in 1847, and Russia had not accidentally been able to send abroad large quantities of breadstuff. The millions which Nicholas lent to Louis Philippe in the last part of his reign, and with which he hoped to prevent the revolution he feared, but which came at length from the necessity of the case these millions only gave France more time to pay for the corn she had received. Russia lent France money that she might buy bread of Russia; the money came back to Russia in payment for the corn, and the Emperor knew how, in the rudest and most brutal way, to draw the gold and silver money from the hands of his subjects, and put it into his own coffers again. In several provinces the government bought up paper money in great quantities, so that there was an inducement to speculate in the stocks. Every man who had coin on hand sought to exchange it for paper money, partly to escape the loss occasioned by the fall of the price of gold, partly to gain by the increased value of paper money. By and by it was not necessary for the crown to buy up paper money, for the public had fallen into the trap, and soon the millions which had come from abroad in hard money to pay for the corn, were brought back to the coffers of the State. In this manner a forced circulation was given to the paper money, which had been issued without restriction, and it was saved from all depreciation except what arose from stockjobbing, while Russia plainly showed how foolishly the people act when they even in their internal traffic - use metals as if they were money! for the government knew how to save them from the loss occasioned by such a use, and from the manifold inaccuracies of such a currency!

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When attempts were made in Europe to put down the efforts for freedom, the Russian Emperor concealed the weakness of his finances, very simply, but by a process, if possible, yet more brutal. He levied forced contributions for the magazines; fixed the price of articles taken, according to his own discretion; paid a part of that in paper money; gave a bond for another part, and set off the balance to the account of future taxes not yet levied! This action was in accordance with the private maxim of despots- "L'etat c'est moi"; he did not see that, in spite of its convenience, it must soon lead to the ruin of the actor, for deeds of this character have been done so long. He learns

from history only what he wishes to learn, and pride and arrogance whisper to the despot in the ear, not: "this man and the other did so and so, and came to a bad end," but : — " if they had had our cunning and our power, even in their case, the end had been other and better." Spite of the illustrious example of America, men in power will not believe that the people, any where, will, at last, enjoy their freedom, and so they think they can put down the efforts and insurrections continually made for this end, because they have succeeded hitherto. As if the bandage of the soldier which is the only reason why he lends himself as the blind tool of the usurper would never fall from his eyes! These men close their ears to all demands of liberty for the people, knowing that every recognition of a right must be followed by the elevation of individual man.

In short, the best of them have faith in what they wish, but the sophisticated understanding of those pampered men can never attain the wisdom which is higher than their faith, but trust only to cunning.

Certainly there are some men in power whose eyes have been quickened by the fear which an evil conscience has awakened, but for the most part they are frivolous or selfish enough to subscribe to the saying: "the ships will hold to gether as long as we are at the helm, and after us, let the flood come!" Coming generations may see how wise they were !

The finances of Russia cannot improve without the blessings of freedom. The nation may go on in this rude, violent way, till the one pressure causes the counter-pressure which throws every thing into confusion, and produces a national bankruptcy, or a change of dynasty, or some other change. It seemed almost probable that the attempts to support Austria against the Hungarians would bring about this crisis. In the Hunga rian war the demand of mankind for freedom became very plain; it showed that though the hour for a general rising of the people of Europe, and for putting an end to all monarchies had not yet struck, still it was near at hand. The desire of freedom long ago had taken root in the Slavic nations, though this was not much talked of. The roots were long thought dead, when unexpectedly they sent up new shoots, and at some more favorable opportunity will rapidly grow up to a sturdy trunk. Hitherto it has been impossible for honorable, conscientious, and trust-worthy magistrates to be established in Rus

sia; and till this is done all attempts to improve the state of finances are abortive, as they always have been. When the Emperor is to receive a ruble, the magistrates have been so demoralized by their thraldom that they will try to steal it, before or after it comes into his hands, and will be cunning enough, at least, to get half of it, and beside that, by promoting smuggling, and other improper means, when it is possible, will get also another ruble for themselves. In this manner financial schemes continually fail of producing satisfactory results, but not the less do they oppress, obstruct, and demoralize the people, while the faithless officers, in their political expenditures, waste and embezzle the money got with such pains.

Throughout all the political administration of Russia, a certain boyishness is perceptible. This appears very obvious in the financial operations. Every thing undertaken bears the mark of remarkable imperfection, promises to last but little while, and commonly has a most injurious effect. So a boy robs a flower garden, and will soon lose half his plunder on his way to the brook, and will throw in the other half when he gets there. The garden is robbed and trampled down to not purpose; what was designed to bear fruit and furnish seed for other fields, is torn away from its native soil, and scattered in spots which will bear nothing. This financial system is a very natural result of the oriental character of this sensual and despotic government. The wild tree can produce only poor and coarse fruit, till mind approaches it; then it must be hewn down to give place to some nobler growth. The time when attempts at improvement could profitably be made, is passed by, the worm has already bored too deep into the bole. A part of it remains only to feed the fire, while loathsome filth has already collected in the hollow of the trunk a preparation for death and for another and a new life. In general the Emperor is extraordinarily inclined to favor what is gross, and especially in finance; commonly he adheres strongly to despotism, and will be an Autocrat. If he were not of a coarse nature he would abandon the political course which his cabinet has followed hitherto, and pursue a more spiritual direction. But in all probability he can only look at the material side of things, and the Slavic clinging to dead forms is entirely natural to him. He is incapable of any lofty spiritual aspiration, of any comprehension of ideas, and can appreciate none but mere materialists as ministers of finance.

ART. VII. Report of the Commissioners relating to the Condition of the Indians in Massachusetts.

WE talk much about the manner in which our Fathers treated the Aborigines of the country; the discussion will have one good effect if it awaken us to the more earnest consideration of our own duty toward the feeble and scattered remnant of those once powerful tribes. The whole number of Indians within the limits of the Commonwealth is eight hundred and forty-seven. Of these none are allowed the elective franchise, many are under guardianship, and many are not allowed any individual ownership in the lands of the tribe. They are practically children, with all the confirmed bad habits, in many cases, of mature age. We acknowledge the question of their treatment is a difficult one, chiefly, if not entirely, however, through our own mistakes and neglect. We talk long and loud about religious liberty, while the State, till very recently, doled out, after the most approved European modes, to the poor red skins, a state religion at their own expense; we declaim, most expensively, brave words, not to be sure "at the bridge," but on every 4th of July, about the great efficiency and indispensable necessity of jury boxes and ballot boxes to unfold the moral and intellectual nature of man, but we keep, meanwhile, these eight or nine hundred persons in a perpetual minority, and Nicholas himself could not be more careful lest they get into dangerous proximity to the panel or the ballot. We protest with a violence which is indignant, and would be contemptuous, if contempt were consistent with hearty hatred, against Socialism, but Fourier would smile approvingly could he see the sincere vigilance with which we guard our pupils from competitive selfishness and the risks of individual property.

It must, however, be acknowledged that Massachusetts has much improved upon the example of that "magnificent conspiracy against justice," which we call, by courtesy, the Government of the United States. Our Legislature does not spend all its time in gathering up the ribbons of a Presidential race, or scrambling after the spoils of a political triumph. It finds, or makes, some time to attend to the legitimate business of government. It plans for the better treatment of convicts, (we will not call them all criminals,) it protects the insane, it educates all, except Indians and the colored race in Boston.

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