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and with the same ability he had displayed on his newspaper in Toronto.

An address to the people from the ex-Ministers, well-calculated to stir up the popular mind was, in anticipation of an election, scattered over the country. On the 16th of May, a general meeting of the Reform Association was held, the Hon. Adam Fergusson in the chair. When the Hon. Robert Baldwin spoke, he commenced by congratulating the Province at large on the gratifying fact that a distinguished member of the Upper House of Parliament presided over such a meeting. He recalled the time which was not very distant in the history of Upper Canada, when persons occupying elevated positions in the Council of the Province were accustomed to hold themselves aloof from the great body of the people, as if their struggle for liberty was a matter in which they had neither part nor lot; ensconcing themselves within an exclusive and narrow circle, inside whose bounds the profane eyes of commoners were not permitted to peep. The chairman had thanked Baldwin and his colleagues for the truly British stand they had made for constitutional principles.

In referring to this, Baldwin said that he "declaimed any other merit than that of having simply done his duty." He added that whether taking office, or abandoning it, he had never been influenced but by one motive-a sincere desire to sacrifice every personal consideration to what he believed to be his duty to his country and his Sovereign.

He then brought up the draft of an address which was read by Skeffington Connor, the Corresponding Secretary. The address pointed out why the late Councillors resigned, showed that Sir Charles Metcalfe and his "Rump" were transgressing the condiditions of Representative Government, and warned the people of the dangers to their freedom. Was it to be permitted that for month after month the Government should be unconstitutionally administered? Those who were always opposed to Constitutional Government supported the Governor and served under him. They were right, and from them all might be hoped if only the constitution was placed beneath their feet. But the people should beware of those who talked in favour of Responsible Government, and betrayed it in their acts. "We recommend you," said the

address in one of its concluding paragraphs, " to weigh and understand well the question to be submitted to you; to meet and to discuss in every convenient manner the points of view in which it has been placed; to have no halting between two opinions; to allow of no indifference. This is not a mere party struggle. It is Canada against her oppressors. The people of Canada claiming the British constitution against those who withhold it; the might of public opinion against fashion and corruption."

The adoption of the address was moved by the Hon. Captain Irving, and seconded by Peter Perry, of Whitby.

If able men on one hand were denouncing the Government as a "rump," and as "Gowan's ministry," Dr. Ryerson wrote strongly and eloquently on behalf of Sir Charles Metcalfe. "Sir Charles Metcalfe," he said, “is not a fortune seeker, but a fortune spender in the country from which it is intended to ostracise him—a fortune spender in public charity."* Not only did Dr. Ryerson defend the Governor, Presbyteries proposed votes supporting him.

Mr. Baldwin during the summer made a tour in the Lower Province, and was everywhere received with enthusiasm ; the Lower Canadian newspapers described his visit as one triumphant procession. Addresses poured in on him, and his conduct and that of his colleagues was everywhere endorsed.

On the 13th of August, the leading organ of the Baldwin party had an article headed "The Vacant Ministry," and, from the opening of Cicero's oration against Catiline, a motto which was meant to carry a sting with it—Quousque tandem abutere patientia nostra ?-How long, O, Catiline, wilt thou abuse our patience? The period of the ministerial interregnum was now running the ninth month, and there was no sign of relief from the depressing situation.

The Attorney-Generalship of Lower Canada, already declined by four Lower Canadians, was now declined by two Upper Canadians. A seventh offer was more successful. Mr. Smith accepted the position. Little by little progress was made towards the formation of a Council, and Sir Charles Metcalfe, with feelings

an

The Colonist which had mainly through Dr. Ryerson's influence, been turned into organ" of the Governor's.

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infinitely relieved, was able on the 27th August, to write to the Colonial Office that he expected in a few days to be able to announce the completion of the Executive Council of the Province, In this Ministry the three leading figures were our old friends. Viger, Draper, and Daly; the first was president of the Council; the second Attorney-General for Upper Canada; the third retained his old post, Provincial Secretary for Upper Canada; Mr. Morris was Receiver General; Mr. D. B. Papineau (brother of the rebel leader), Commissioner of Crown Lands. Thus, with Mr. Smith, Attorney-General for Lower Canada, the six most important offices in the Executive Council were filled. Metcalfe believed he was now in a position to meet his parliament. But in the Representative Assembly a vote of want of confidence would have been carried by an overwhelming majority. The question of dissolution was therefore discussed in the Council. After much doubt and debate, a dissolution was resolved on. It was determined not to fill the minor offices until after the elections. There would then probably be a larger field of choice.

The crisis was described by the Governor as important-it was momentous. On the 24th of September, a banquet was given to the Hon. Mr. Young, who had in Nova Scotia, fought the same battle Baldwin had fought and was fighting here. Baldwin took the opportunity of reviewing certain portions of the speech of Lord Stanley. Was it a matter of imperial concern whether Mr. A. or Mr. B. should be appointed to office? Who, during the previous session, was attacked by Sir Allan MacNab, the Governor or himself? If he was to bear the brunt of attack, surely he ought to have the power which was implied by responsibility? Was it a thing to be tolerated that a Ministry should learn for the first time of the appointments of the Government on the street? How long would the noble lord have remained one of Her Majesty's Ministers, if placed in such a situation? He was aware of the difference between the Ministry in London and the Ministry in a colony, a difference which necessarily followed from the fact that one was the paramount executive of the empire, the other only the executive of a dependency of that empire. But when this difference was pressed beyond its limits of Imperial concerns, and made the pretence for the refusal of liberty-for

the denial of the right of the people to govern through their representatives-when it was made an instrument of degradation, the brand of an inferior race-a view was taken which would never be acquiesced in by any colony where constitutional government obtained, and where there lingered a single spark of British feeling to light British principles. In the course of a long speech, Baldwin was frequently cheered, and the speech well deserved the applause.

The Hon. R. B. Sullivan spoke with great eloquence, and the Hon. Geo. Brown replied for the Reform press of British North America. As on the occasion of his first speech a few months before, he spoke with considerable humour.

Parliament was dissolved on the 23rd of September. The writs were issued on the 24th, and made returnable on the 10th of November. On the 1st of October the Globe contained an appeal to the electors. Baldwin resigned his patent of Queen's Counsel. A placard was circulated throughout the country, stating that the late Ministry, in order to insult the Presbyterians and Baptists, while passing a Bill through Parliament, giving these bodies additional power with respect to the holding of land had introduced a clause contemptuously associating them with Tunkers, Barkers, Shavers, Shakers, Sharpers, and Gypsies. The Globe subsequently characterized this placard as an "infamous" fabrication, and declared that it had influenced several electors. 'It is questionable," wrote that paper, a few years afterwards, "whether this lying trick did not exercise more influence than all the letters of Buchanan and Ryerson." Now we have already seen that before this placard was given to the world, Presbyterians sided with Metcalfe, nor can there be a doubt that the people were in some places unenlightened as to the real issue. The placard, too, might be considered in the court of electioneering morality fair. However, there is no evidence that it was not put forth in good faith. Of course the late Ministers never did anything so absurd as associate Barkers and Presbyterians, Shakers and Baptists. But a young clerk had scribbled the words in fun in the printers' "copy," and forgot to cross them out. How were those who saw the objectionable words in the bill to divine the accident?

While the elections were proceeding, Mr. Henry Sherwood became Solicitor-General for Canada West.

The Conservative candidates went to the country on the Governor's ticket. Mr. George P. Ridout, in his address, said :"I have the honour to solicit your suffrages at the approaching election, and take for my motto, The Governor-General and British connection.'" The excitement was extreme. There was on all sides apprehension of riot and bloodshed. All kinds of violent handbills were circulated; the walls glared with stimulating posters. Large bodies of Irishmen turned out to support Baldwin. His enemies said they were hired to keep freedom of election in control by club law. Serious disturbances were expected. The troops were ordered to hold themselves in readiness. "The contest," says Metcalfe's biographer, with audacious mendacity, "was between loyalty on one side and disaffection to Her Majesty's Government on the other." Of Sir Charles Metcalfe, we are told, perhaps with truth, that he felt that he was doing battle for his Sovereign against a rebellious people. When, on the 5th of November, all the returns were known, it was found that the Government had a small majority. Of course, there were charges of foul play. The returning officers were said to be bitter Tory partizans, and to have abused their opportunities. Their machinations, aided by an unscrupulous exercise of Government authority, it was said, helped to secure a majority for the Conservatives. We may be sure both parties did all they could to secure a victory. It is possible that the country felt that Baldwin and Lafontaine might have been less uncompromising, and that knowing Sir Charles Metcalfe's determination not to work with them, fears of another interregnum influenced some votes. After the fight is over, it is useless, however, to squabble over battles which have been decided. Bazaine and Frederick Charles exchanging recriminations over Gravelotte would be as edifying a spectacle as a game of scolding over an election once it is past. For my own part, I should think it more profitable to discuss the issue between Thierry and the Abbé Laffetay respecting the date of the Bayeux tapestry. The Reformers contended that the Government had only a majority of two. But when the House met, it turned out to be a little larger.