BALDWIN'S LOYALTY TO HIS COLLEAGUES.

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nicating with the representatives of the House, and holding what Day had characterized as midnight meetings and secret cabals? He had always been a party man. Nor did he, any more than anybody else see how popular government could be worked without party—though neither to party, nor to the people, nor to the Crown, nor to its representative, would he sacrifice one particle of principle. In truth he had a ready answer to the charge of want of loyalty. On the 11th of June he had written a letter to M. Morin, saying that he could not attend a meeting of Reformers where the question of testing on the election of a Speaker the strength of the administration of which he was a member, was to be discussed.

He then read the passage from the letter of the 12th June, 1841, in which he tendered his advice to the Governor. In that letter he informed him that the union of the Reformers of the Eastern and those of the Western sections of the Province, into one united party, had taken place; that that party represented the political views of the vast majority of the people of the Province; that its members had no confidence in the administration, the want of confidence however not extending to the Head of the Government; that he was bound therefore to declare to his Excellency, that the administration, as then constituted, did not possess the confidence of Parliament or the country; that to place it upon a footing to obtain such confidence, it would be expedient, that Mr. Sullivan (his own cousin and brother-in-law), Mr. Odgen, Mr. Draper, and Mr. Day should no longer form a part of it; and that some gentlemen from among the reformers of Lower Canada should be introduced into the administration, whose accession to office would bring with them the support of the Lower Canada section of reformers, and with that the confidence of the whole reform party of the United Province. In the faithful discharge of the sacred duty imposed upon him by his oath of office, he felt bound respectfully to tender to His Excellency his humble advice that the reconstruction of the administration upon the basis suggested was a measure essential to the successful and happy conduct of public affairs.

Could anything be more reasonable? Could anything be more statesmanlike ? What course so calculated to conciliate Lower

Canada as that suggested? How true a statesman Baldwin was, the history of the country since proves. His advice not being taken he resigned. He concluded by throwing himself with confidence on the judgment of the House and the country. He was supported both by the House and the country. In the House, Isaac Buchanan stated that, when the exact position of parties was kept in view, the retirement from office of Mr. Baldwin would be seen to be a much more important circumstance in the discussion of the address than some honourable members seemed willing to allow. It was not to be pretended that the address, or indeed any future measure of government, could pass this House without the assistance of the liberal members from Upper Canada. That large portion of the House, whatever might be their individual views. as to the propriety, under the circumstances, of Mr. Baldwin's resignation, still reposed full confidence in his political integrity, and still continued to hold that it was only on liberal principles that the Colonial Government could hope to succeed. Outside the House the feeling in Baldwin's favour was not less pronounced. A meeting of the Reformers of the City of Toronto, was convened at Elliott's Temperance House, Yonge Street, on Saturday evening, the 3rd July-Captain Eccles in the chair; Mr. J. Lesslie acting as secretary.

Captain Eccles was an old Peninsular officer, who entered the 61st regiment as ensign in 1802. He was a native of Wicklow, and was educated at Trinity College, where he took his degree of B.A. the same year in which he joined his regiment. He served with distinction throughout the entire Peninsular campaign. At Corunna he was wounded in the side and leg. His arm was shattered on a later field. He retired, in 1817, on his laurels, and having married settled down in Wales. In 1830, he went to Somersetshire, and in 1835 emigrated to Canada, residing at Niagara until 1841, in which year he removed to Toronto, where he died in his eighty-second year in 1858.

Captain Eccles came to emigrate in this wise: During the great reform movement in England he was chairman of the committee of the Liberal candidate for Somersetshire. After a hard contest the Liberal candidate was returned. This gave Captain Eccles some claims on the Government of Earl Grey,

CAPTAIN ECCLES.

461 and he was sent to Canada to receive a report on lands suitable for emigrants from Admiral Vansittart and Captain Drew, R.N. Having received their report, he returned to England and reported unfavourably on their scheme, but most favourably on Upper Canada as an agricultural country. He contended that no private company should be permitted to control emigration, that it should be a matter entirely in the hands of the Government, and advised the authorities to encourage in every way the settlement of British subjects in Upper Canada.

From the time of his arrival in Canada to his departure he evinced great interest in political affairs, and shortly after he sent in his report on Admiral Vansittart and Captain Drew's emigration scheme, he made a report on the political condition of Canada, denouncing some of the most prominent political leaders there as disloyal, and described the country as in much the same disorganized condition as the New England colonies on the eve of the rebellion. He urged the necessity of speedy action in regard to Canada. As he was not sent to Canada to make a report on the political condition of that colony, he was censured for exceeding his instructions, and his report was not acted upon.

Having decided to come to Canada with his family, he proceeded to the Town of Niagara, near which he purchased some farms and a house in the town. He brought out a few families from Somersetshire, farm implements and several head of blooded live stock. At the breaking out of the rebellion of 1837, he organized and commanded a regiment of volunteers on the Niagara frontier, doing good service for the Government. He was always intensely loyal, and could not forgive a man who raised his hand against the British flag.

On the arrival of Lord Durham, who had with him the report of Captain Eccles, he sent for the veteran, and consulted him as to the most fitting measures of redress. Captain Eccles remained with Lord Durham for several weeks assisting him. In return for his services he was offered several Government positions, which he declined.

In Toronto, he took an active part in public questions, and actively supported charitable institutions. Though he had acted as colonel of volunteers, he never allowed himself to be addressed

by any rank but Captain. He was of the old school. In personal appearance he was every inch the soldier-six feet high, with iron grey hair and moustachios, and perfectly erect up to a year or two before his death; his helpless right arm in a sling, a lasting memento of "the Peninsula." He left behind him three sons and three daughters. Among the sons was the late Henry Eccles, the eminent Q. C., who was so powerful as an advocate.

Such was the chairman of the meeting, which was the forerunner of the great meetings in the time of Metcalfe. In opening the proceedings he stated that the object they had in view was to give some public testimony to the noble conduct of the Hon. Robert Baldwin, in retiring from the Executive Council, and resigning the office of Solicitor-General. A committee, composed of Messrs. Beaty, McLellan, O'Beirne, Dunleavy, and Lesslie, was appointed to prepare a series of resolutions. The first resolution expressed the confidence of Reformers in Baldwin, as the uncompromising champion of the civil and religious liberties of the people of United Canada. The second resolution declared his explanations in Parliament entirely satisfactory. An honourable and independent man had no course but to resign. The third resolution declared the reorganization of the Cabinet a step imperatively called for.

At this distance of time we can appreciate both Baldwin and Sydenham. While the Tory press attacked Baldwin for his resignation, and his name, though associated with inflexibility of principle, sterling integrity, and irreproachableness of character, became an object of foul aspersion, Lord Sydenham was assailed by his enemies with a corresponding vituperative exaggeration. The journals of those days are not uninteresting reading. The editors used to do some things which would create a smile now. Thus a vigorous attack on Draper is ushered in with a latin scene. The admirable manner in which Lord Sydenham kept his own counsel was peculiarly irritating. This was in part policy, in part explicable on the same principle as the apathy of Canning's needy knife-grinder. But it maddened the brilliant editors, who thought they ought to know everything. With a satire which seems strangely blunt to-day, it was pointed out that in Pagan times there was a secret worship paid to divin

A SKETCH OF DRAPER.

463 ities, to which none were admitted but those who had been carefully initiated. Of the secret worship there were two mysteries, the lesser and the greater. A knowledge of the greater mysteries was generally reserved for the favoured few, whose understanding scorned the imposture which their policy approved ; and both the greater and the lesser mysteries were sedulously concealed from the multitude lest their disclosure should convert reverence into contempt. The classical recollections of Lord Sydenham taught him to apply this practice to his system of politics; and, save himself, and perhaps the "gifted Draper," there was no man in the country who could safely pronounce upon his Lordship's measures, or pierce the shroud which invested his intentions.

At this time one of the newspapers of Kingston had a series of sketches of prominent members of the House. The first article. was devoted to Mr. Draper and Mr. Hincks. Draper was described as "the most plausible of mortals, bland, insinuating, persuasive, and somewhat eloquent. When speaking, one would suppose he was honesty of intention personified. If you don't look out he will make you believe he is the most candid, open and frank of all public men. While he is making earnest declarations of all this, he is squirming, twisting and moulding a delicate little loop-hole, which few but himself see, out of which he will afterwards creep, and no one can dare accuse him of inconsistency. His manner is the most taking, and he gains a great deal by this. Himself the most prejudiced of mortals-the greatest stickler for prescriptive rights and usages-he takes good care not to do violence to the prejudices of others. No, he is not to be forced into any such imprudence, any more than he is to be compelled to make open confession of all he thinks. Wedded to notions of Church and State, he is a century behind the spirit of the age. Yet, to gain his end, he will even ape liberality of sentiment." The writer goes on to say, that he had no political liberality, that he was a faint imitator of Sir Robert Peel, that his enemies admitted he was the most easy and most ready speaker in the House, and that he had few competitors in debate; that he was a thorough Tory; that though smooth and insinuating, he often involved a subject and left it more misty than he found it, and that the polish of education had done much for him.