Master General. A commission had been appointed to enquire into and report upon the whole Post Office system of North America, and it was confidently anticipated, that the result of its labours would be the establishment of a plan securing improvements in the internal communication equal to those already -obtained with the Mother Country.

Among those subjects demanding consideration, first in importance was the adoption of measures for developing the resources of the Province by Public Works.

The improvement of the navigation from the shores of Lake Erie and Lake Huron to the ocean-the establishment of new internal communications in the inland districts, were works requiring a great outlay, but which promised commensurate returns. To undertake them successfully, large funds would be required, and the financial condition of the Province would seem to forbid the attempt. But His Excelleney had the satisfaction of informing them that he had received authority from Her Majesty's Government to state, that they were prepared to assist these important undertakings, by affording a guarantee for a loan to the extent of no less than a million and a half sterling, to aid the Province, for the double purpose of diminishing the pressure of the interest on the Public Debt, and of enabling it to proceed with those great public undertakings whose progress during the last few years had been arrested by the financial difficulties. A measure for this purpose was in course of preparation.

In immediate connexion with outlay upon public works was the subject of immigration, and the disposal and settlement of public lands. The assistance for the Public Works would provide employment for labour, and thus, in the surest manner, stimulate emigration. Not only so, Her Majesty's Government were prepared to assist in facilitating the passage of the immigrant from the port at which he was landed to the place where his labour might be made available. A vote of money for this purpose would be proposed to the Imperial Parliament.

It was highly desirable that the principles of local self-government, which already prevailed to some extent throughout that part of the Province that was formerly Upper Canada, should receive a more extensive application, and that the people should

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exercise a greater degree of power over their own local affairs. Α measure upon this subject would be submitted to Parliament, and provision would, he hoped, be made for establishing local self-government in districts unprovided with it. Lord Sydenham knew the advantages of Municipal Councils, "those walks and commons of a free people," as Walter Savage Landor called them.

A due provision for the education of the people was one of the first duties of the State, and in this Province especially the want of it was grievously felt. The establishment of an efficient system by which the blessings of instruction might be placed within the reach of all, was a work of difficulty-but its overwhelming importance demanded that it should be undertaken.

"The eyes of England," the speech concluded, "are anxiously fixed upon the result of this great experiment. Should it succeed, the aid of Parliament in your undertakings-the confidence of British capitalists in the credit you may require from them— the security which the British people will feel in seeking your shores and establishing themselves on your fertile soil-may carry improvement to an unexampled height. The rapid advance of trade and immigration within the last eighteen months afford ample evidence of the effects of tranquillity in restoring confidence and promoting prosperity. May no dissensions mar the flattering prospect which is open before us-may your efforts be steadily directed to the great practical improvements of which the Province stands so much in need, and under the blessing of that Providence which has hitherto preserved this portion of the British dominions, may your councils be so guided as to ensure to the Queen attached and loyal subjects, and to United Canada a prosperous and contented people."

With this speech the supporters of the Government were well pleased. But the Opposition press complained that it laid down no principles for the future guidance of the Government.

The Government did not come down at once with an answer to the Speech. Mr. Malcolm Cameron, when proposing a series of resolutions echoing the speech, grew quite enthusiastic about the first clause. He thought if hon. members had but "a spark of the patriotism of the ancient Romans," or "one particle of the love of country manifested by the Highlander," they would advocate

stronger and more decisive action. On the second clause, respecting a new arrangement for the Post Office, Mr. Cameron spoke as follows, and his words call up a vivid picture of early times in Canada, when isolated families longing to hear from and to communicate with their friends, were unable to do so, owing to the expense attending such communication. "To the numerous families scattered over the Province who have severed all the ties of relationship with home, the high rates of postage formerly charged had effectually cut off every approach at correspondence. He could tell them that a change from 5s. or 3s. to the sum of 1s. 2d. was hailed with joy and gratitude. He had seen the tears roll from the eyes of old settlers, when they found they could renew the correspondence with their friends abroad on such moderate terms."

In the course of the discussion Mr. Hincks said he was sorry that there should be a desire to seek any further delay. The custom of England was for the servants of the Crown to come down with an answer ready to submit to the House. The gentlemen opposite, on the Treasury benches, had failed in their duty. They ought, ere this, to have proposed their address-and when it was understood that this discussion was to be now proceeded with, the resolutions ought to have been submitted at the morning sitting without obliging a further delay until to-morrow. However, time should be given for consideration, in order that no one should be taken by surprise.

A question of Mr. Buchanan, relating to Responsible Government, brought up Mr. Attorney-General Draper, and his speech, which is a valuable document in the history of our constitutional progress, is the best apology for Baldwin's resignation. Mr. Buchanan, well known to us to-day as Isaac Buchanan, asked whether the Members of the Executive acknowledged their responsibility to Canadian public opinion, as expressed by the majority of that House, for the advice they gave the Head of the Government, to the extent that they would not remain connected with an Administration against which a vote of want of confidence was passed in the Assembly, unless in case a dissolution of Parliament was imminent? Or did they intend to recognise the

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principle of retaining office, after they found they could not secure a majority in the Assembly?

Mr. Draper's speech was an admirable piece of reasoning and oratory, and it bears not only on Lord Sydenham's conduct, but on the politics of the present moment. Few politicians have, perhaps, considered the difference between the Constitution of the Empire and the Constitution of Canada.

Mr. Draper said that only so long as he felt that in sustaining the policy of the Head of the Government he did not sacrifice those opinions he conscientiously entertained would he continue to hold office. This very first declaration of Mr. Draper tallies with the view of Lord Sydenham taken by impartial critics. He had come to introduce Responsible Government, but clearly not Responsible Government as understood by Baldwin. "Never for a moment," said the London Colonial Gazette, when noting his death, "did Lord Sydenham let the reins out of his own hands." But he had immense difficulties to contend with. He deserves this great praise that he was the man for the hour. Sagacious, strong, of great industry and not overweighted with scruples, like all great men, his personal influence entered largely into his success and this, which was perhaps advantageous at the moment, was attended with evil fruits afterwards. His policy undoubtedly was to deal with individuals rather than parties, and thus secure to himself the whole power of the Executive. He intended to be his own chief secretary. He aspired to be for Canada what Louis Philippe was for France. It was probably fortunate for his reputation that his career was prematurely cut short.

Mr. Draper said in the first place he would refer to the office and duties of the Governor of the Province. The office was one of a mixed character, the Governor being the representative of Royalty and also a Minister responsible alike to his Sovereign and to the Imperial Parliament for the faithful discharge of the duties of his station, liable to be impeached for misconduct before the highest tribunal of the Empire, a tribunal before which he could not discharge himself by declaring that the course for which he was accused had been followed under the advice of any man or any set of men, of the officers of his Government, or of his Executive Council. If this view was correct, it followed as a necessary con

sequence, that where the responsibility attached, there the power must be vested. To give power without responsibility, was inconsistent with the principles of the constitution; to enforce responsibility where no power was given, was to violate the principles of natural justice. The two were inseparable.

He then proceeded to justify his views, by quoting Lord Glenelg's despatch, in which it was affirmed that experience proved that the administration of public affairs in Canada was by no means exempt from the control of practical responsibility. To His Majesty and to Parliament the Governor of Upper Canada was at all times most fully responsible for his official acts. That this responsibility was not merely nominal, for that His Majesty felt the most lively interest in the welfare of his Canadian subjects, and was ever anxious to devote a patient and laborious attention to any representations which they might address to him, either through their representatives, or as individuals, was shown by the whole tenour of the correspondence of his predecessors in office. That the Imperial Parliament were not disposed to receive with inattention the representations of their Canadian fellowsubjects, was attested by the labours of the Committees which had been appointed by the House of Commons, during the last few years, to enquire into matters relating to these Provinces. It was the duty of the Lieutenant-Governor to vindicate to the King and to Parliament every act of his administration. In the event of any representations being addressed to His Majesty upon the Lieutenant-Governor's official conduct, he would have the highest possible claim to a favourable construction-but the presumptions which might reasonably be formed in his behalf, would never supersede a close examination, how far they coincided with the real facts of each particular case which might be brought under discussion. This responsibility to His Majesty and to Parliament was second to none which could be imposed on a public man, and it was one which it was in the power of the House of Assembly, at any time by address or petition, to bring into active operation.

Mr. Draper then passed from Lord Glenelg to what Lord Sydenham himself stated in answer to an address presented to him at

* Lord Glenelg's despatch, 5th December, 1835.