primary political maxim has been, that they were naturally at war with all Christian nations, who did not purchase a peace at a heavy price, and maintain it by a degrading annual tribute. This was the way the United States first made peace with them, and to our shame be it spoken, we were tributaries to these despicable robbers till within the last twelve years. But not only did they trample on the laws of nations, in this fundamental article of peace and war, but they made slaves of their prisoners, and demanded for them an exorbitant ransom. Treaties they regarded not, any longer than it suited their convenience. A pretext for breaking a treaty was always at hand, and from that moment war was understood to exist, without any previous declaration or notice to the other party concerned. Then the Corsairs began their depredations, scoured the Mediterranean, seized every vessel that came in their reach, and brought it into port, where the cargo was confiscated, and the crew condemned to slavery. Instead of chastising such an outrage, as its infamy deserved, the insulted nation deemed it policy to sue again for peace, to pay an enormous sum by special agreement and in presents as the price of conciliation, to redeem the prisoners in slavery, and submit to the humilating condition of sending an annual tribute to a band of freebooters. Thus were treaties made and broken merely as a means of plunder, and thus did the mutual jealousies, the contemptible policy, of the European powers, not only give countenance to each other in such humbling practices, but maintain in their consequence for ages these bloodthirsty enemies of the human family.

Mr Shaler's work is confined to the kingdom of Algiers, touching on the other Barbary states only as they bear a general analogy to this. He begins with a geographical view of the country; its soil, productions, and population. He then comes to its history and form of government; political and civil institutions; finances, army, and navy; its piratical character, and political relations with foreign powers. Next we have a description of the city of Algiers, its topography, fortifications, public edifices, private dwellings, and streets; its commerce, wealth, and police; the character and manners of the people, their arts and manufactures, and the condition of the Christian and Jewish residents. Then follows a description of the various tribes inhabiting the kingdom of Algiers, their peculiarities, religion, and languages; and also a very animated sketch of the history of the Algerine government during the last fifteen years. The main body of

the work is closed by some interesting reflections of the author on the probable destiny of that country, as highly favored by nature, as it is miserably degraded by its government. A supplementary chapter contains extracts from the American Consular Journal kept at Algiers, narrating a series of curious events, illustrative of the genius of the government, and its habits of intercourse with foreigners. In the Appendix are thrown together several documents of value.

The territory usually known as the Kingdom of Algiers, stretches along the south shore of the Mediterranean about five hundred miles, from the eastern border of the Empire of Morocco, to the western boundary of Tunis. Its breadth inland from the sea is very uncertain, but is supposed to vary from forty to a hundred miles. The surface thus included, by Mr Shaler's estimate, is in extent about thirty thousand square miles, being not quite half as large as the state of Virginia. The amount of population is not known, as no enumeration has been taken, but our author considers it not far from a million. This would make thirtythree persons to a square mile, or about the average of the state of Delaware. This region embraces ancient Numidia, and that part of Mauritania Tingitana, which, after its conquest by Cæsar, was called Mauritania Cæsariensis. It was the land of heroic deeds, the domain of powerful kings, renowned for its opulent cities, and brave, though artful and treacherous inhabitants. At length it was subdued by the arms of Rome, and became a dependent province of that empire. It was here that the Romans fought and conquered

Numidia's hardy troops,
Mounted on steeds, unused to the restraint

Of curbs and bits, and fleeter than the winds.

Sallust, the historian, was once governor of this province; and to this circumstance, probably, we are indebted for his beautiful history of the wars in Africa. The celebrated Christian Father, Augustin, was also born in this region, and resided, as bishop of Hippo, in the eastern part of Algiers, near the present site of Bona.

Nature has been bountiful here; the climate is agreeable and salubrious; the surface of the country is variegated with hills and valleys; the soil is fertile, yielding abundantly the products of the most favored climes. The industry and moral energies of man, and a government giving scope to these, are all that is wanting to build up communities of prosperous and happy peo

ple. Internal protection, and external commerce, unshackled by monopolies and vexatious restrictions, would make this belt of land between Mount Atlas and the Mediterranean sea, one of the most productive, wealthy, and populous portions of the globe. Wheat and barley are cultivated with success; olives and dates are abundant, and of the best quality; and also the walnut and chesnut, figs, pomegranates, grapes, and other fruits of temperate climates. The only metallic products as yet discovered are iron and lead. Fossil salt is found in the mountains. As the country is well watered by springs and small streams, though not abounding in rivers, it affords excellent pasturage and facilities for the rearing of camels, horses, neat cattle, sheep, goats, and other domestic animals. Wool is now an important article of commerce. The various species of the winged tribe and of game, usual in similar climates of other countries, are common here. But on this topic we need not enlarge; Numidia is famed in ancient story for its fine climate and productive soil; nor, during the long ages in which this soil has been defiled with human bloodshed, and disgraced by the monsters nourished by it, has nature withdrawn her gifts, or turned away her smiles.

Man seems the only growth that dwindles here.

Little profit would be gained in pursuing the thread of Algerine history from the Romans downward. These proud conquerors of the world were driven from their African possessions by the Vandals, and these again were expelled by the great general, Belisarius, under the Emperor Justinian, about the middle of the sixth century. A hundred years afterward another revolution was effected by the Saracens. From that time till the beginning of the sixteenth century, a veil of darkness is spread over human events in the north of Africa, through which we dimly discover various tribes of Arabs, the Zinhagians, the Zeneti, and the Marabouts, contending with the Saracens and with one another, for the mastery of the country. Meantime the Spaniards made incursions, and established themselves at Oran, and other cities in the neighborhood of that place; and this period, that is, the early part of the sixteenth century, presents an important era in Algerine history.

Among the renowned personages of that day were Horuc and Hayradin, sons of a potter in the Isle of Lesbos, whose restless spirit drove them to the perilous and thrifty occupation

of pirates. In this calling they gained fame and wealth, collected a strong naval force, ravaged the seas, and spread the terror of their name in every corner of the Mediterranean. Horuc, the elder brother, was called Barbarossa, and this chief of the pirates was the ally to whom Eutemi, king of Algiers, applied to aid him in expelling the Spaniards from Oran. The proposal was joyfully accepted by Barbarossa, who repaired immediately to Algiers with five thousand men. He was received with en

thusiasm, and, by his profuseness and artifices, so strong a footing did he gain with the people, that he murdered Eutemi, usurped his authority, and declared himself king of Algiers. He ruled with cruelty, and made war on the king of Tremecen, whom he vanquished, and whose dominions he seized. Two years after his usurpation, he was slain by the Spaniards, in attempting to escape from Tremecen.

His brother Hayradin, not inferior to him in talents and ambition, succeeded to the throne of Algiers. He was likewise called Barbarossa. Thus the dynasty of the pirates was established, and from that day to this the sceptre of empire, however legitimate may have been the descent of power, has been wielded by the hand of a pirate. This second Barbarossa, finding himself harassed by the Arabs and Moors on one side, and by the Spaniards on the other, sought the protection of the Grand Seignior, and Algiers became a dependency of the Ottoman Porte. This relation has subsisted under various modifications ever since. It was a wise step for Barbarossa; he obtained forces to drive away his enemies, and even strengthened his power by conquests. His successful attack on Tunis, and his subsequent expulsion from that city by Charles the Fifth, are curious events in the history of those times; and not less so is the hazardous expedition of Charles against Algiers, five or six years later, in conjunction with the great admiral, Andrew Doria, which terminated in a disastrous and total failure.

Barbarossa was raised to the dignity of Bashaw of the empire, and a new viceroy appointed over Algiers. The Porte exercised the power of appointing governors, till the beginning of the seventeenth century, when the Algerines, weary of the oppression of their foreign masters, obtained the privilege of choosing their own governors, who were from that period called Deys by Europeans. They still paid tribute to the Grand Seignior, and submitted to the authority of the Bashaws appointed by him; but in the year 1710, they expelled the Turkish Bashaw, and from

that time the powers of this office were united with that of the Dey, and the form of government was instituted, which has continued to the present time.

The Algerine government, as it now exists, cannot be better described, than in the words of Mr Shaler.

'It is in fact,' says he, 'a military republic with a chief elective for life, and upon a small scale resembling that of the Roman Empire after the death of Commodus. This government ostensibly consists of a sovereign chief, who is termed the Dey of Algiers, and a Divan, or great Council, indefinite in point of number, which is composed of the ancient military who are or have been commanders of corps. The Divan elects the Deys, and deliberates upon such affairs as he chooses to lay before it.

Since the

'Such is the theory of the Algerine Government. The credit and importance of the Divan would naturally vary according to the character and abilities of the reigning sovereign; it was formerly a real corps in the state, held regular sessions, had funds attributed to it, and claimed to determine upon all the measures of government; but it has dwindled into a mere phantom; its existence even would be doubtful if, in the year 1816, Omar Pashaw had not formally convened the Divan to deliberate upon the negotiations of the Regency with Great Britain. removal of the residence of the Deys of Algiers into the Citadel, the Divan may be regarded as a dead letter in their constitution. The Dey appoints his own ministers, which are the Hasnagee, whose authority extends over the national finances and interior concerns; the Aga, who is commander in chief, and may be termed minister of war; the Vikel Argée, or minister of marine and foreign affairs; the Khodgia de Cavallas, who may be denominated Adjutant General, and superintendant of the national domain; and the Bet el Mel, or judge of inheritances. The post of the latter functionary has risen to great consideration on account of its pecuniary importance. These ministers form the cabinet council of the sovereign, and with him constitute in fact the real government of Algiers, free of any control by the pretended Divan. The election of the Deys of Algiers should be confirmed by the Grand Seignior, who is their acknowledged Suzerain (paramount lord). This recognition is never refused, and is by custom given with the rank of Bashaw of three tails, which is his ordinary title. That of Dey is hardly known in Algiers, and is used only by foreigners; it was probably originally a nickname, as its literal meaning in the Turkish language is simply, "uncle."

The Deys of Algiers assume and exercise all the rights of