idle, Mr- ; this country will never carry on a civil war against America, we cannot, but the ministry hope to carry all by a single stroke." I should be glad to name the lord, but think it not best. Surely my countrymen will recollect the words I held to them this time twelvemonth. "It is not, Mr Moderator, the spirit that vapors within these walls that must stand us in stead. The exertions of this day will call forth events which will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. Look to the end. Whoever supposes that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend; we must be equally ignorant of the powers of those who have combined against us; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our bosom, to hope we shall end this controversy without the sharpest-the sharpest conflicts; to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations, and popular vapor, will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us weigh and consider, before we advance to those measures which must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle, this country ever saw."

'Hundreds, I believe, will call these words, and many more of the same import, to remembrance. Hundreds, who heretofore doubted, are long ere this convinced I was right. The popular sentiments of the day prevailed; they advanced with "resolutions" to hazard and abide the consequences. They must now stand the issue, they must preserve a consistency of character,-THEY MUST NOT DELAY, they must or be trodden into the vilest vassalage, the scorn, the spurn of their enemies, a byword of infamy among all men.'-Letter to Mrs Quincy. pp. 266-268.

'December 14th. Spent the evening with Mr Sayre, in company with Doctor Franklin and others. In the course of conversation Doctor Franklin said, that more than sixteen years ago, long before any dispute with America, the present Lord Camden, then Mr Pratt, said to him, "For all what you Americans say of your loyalty, and all that, I know you will one day throw off your dependence on this country; and notwithstanding your boasted affection for it, you will set up for independence." Doctor Franklin said, that he assured him no such idea was entertained by the Americans, nor will any such ever enter their heads, unless you grossly abuse them. "Very true," replied Mr Pratt, "that is one of the main causes I see will happen, and will produce the event." pp. 269, 270.

'Permit me to congratulate my countrymen on the integrity and wisdom with which the Congress have conducted. Their policy,

spirit, and union have confounded their foes, and inspired their friends. All parties agree in giving them a tribute of honor and applause. You cannot well imagine the chagrin with which the ministry received the result of that glorious body. They are viewed as the northern constellation of glorious worthies, illuminating and warming the new world. I feel a pride in being an American. Neither my affection nor zeal, in any degree, abates in the cause of my injured country.

'Doctor Price desires his very warm thanks to Doctor Winthrop for his letter, which has been read in Parliament, and did much good.'-Letter to Mrs Quincy. pp. 271-273.

'My dear sir, before I close, I cannot forbear telling you that I look to my countrymen with the feelings of one, who verily believes they must yet seal their faith and constancy to their liberties, with blood. This is a distressing witness indeed! But hath not this ever been the lot of humanity? Hath not blood and treasure in all ages been the price of civil liberty? Can Americans hope a reversal of the laws of our nature, and that the best of blessings will be obtained and secured without the sharpest trials?

'Adieu, my friend,-my heart is with you, and whenever my countrymen command, my person shall be also.'-Letter to Joseph Reed. p. 281.

January 2d. This evening I had two hours' conversation with Colonel Barré, and from him I learned that he was once the friend of Mr Hutchinson, in opposition to Governor Pownall, but that he had for a long time, and especially since his last arrival in England, wholly deserted him. Colonel Barré, while we were viewing the pictures taken from ruins found at Herculaneum, said, "I hope you have not the books containing the draughts of those ruins with you." I replied, there was one set, I believed, in the public library at our college. "Keep them there," said he, "and they may be of some service as a matter of curiosity for the speculative, but let them get abroad, and you are ruined. They will infuse a taste for buildings and sculpture, and when a people get a taste for the fine arts, they are ruined. 'Tis taste that ruins whole kingdoms; 'tis taste that depopulates whole nations. I could not help weeping when I surveyed the ruins of Rome. All the remains of Roman grandeur are of works, which were finished when Rome and the spirit of Romans were no more, unless I except the ruins of the Emilian baths. Mr Quincy, let your countrymen beware of taste in their buildings, equipage, and dress, as a deadly poison."

'Colonel Barré also added in the course of conversation, “About fifteen years ago, I was through a considerable part of your country; for in the expedition against Canada, my business called me to pass by land through Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and Albany. When I returned again to this country, I was often

speaking of America, and could not help speaking well of its climate, soil, and inhabitants; for you must know, sir, America was always a favorite with me; but will you believe it, sir, yet I assure you it is true, more than two thirds of this island at that time thought the Americans were all negroes!"

'I replied I did not in the least doubt it, for that if I was to judge by the late acts of parliament, I should suppose that a majority of the people of Great Britain still thought so; for I found that their representatives still treated them as such. He smiled, and the discourse dropped. Colonel Barré was among those, who voted for the Boston Port Bill.' pp. 289, 290.

The part taken by Colonel Barré on the Port Bill, has appeared strangely inconsistent with his uniform conduct, in every other instance, on American affairs. He partook, it appears, of the general indignation excited in England, by the destruction of the tea in Boston. It was considered as a culpable violation of private property, and unworthy of the high principle, which had gained to the American cause many distinguished advocates in England. Dr Franklin was so impressed with the unfavorable influence produced by this incident, that he wrote to influential men in Massachusetts, earnestly recommending payment for the property destroyed. This would probably have been done, if the severe measure of the Port Bill had not been so immediately adopted, or even afterwards, if the terms of that act had not precluded any hope or expectation of relaxation, though such payment should have been made.

Again, writing to Mrs Quincy, January 11, 1775, he says;

'In the nation you have many friends and hearty well wishers to your cause. The lords and commons are-what they are; but ANOTHER CHARACTER is in principle your adversary, and will never be reconciled to your deliverance, till he sees, what, peradventure, he will not wait long for, a spirit going forth, which compels rulers to their duty. I shall take care to keep you constantly informed of events as they rise. Very important ones must occur in a short time. The stanch friends of our country are here in high spirits. I should flatter your national vanity, if I told you all that is said and thought of Americans at this day; but the sentiments of this people are as fluctuating, and sometimes as boisterous as the ocean.' pp. 303, 304.

'January 20th. Attended the debates in the House of Lords. Good fortune gave me one of the best places for hearing, and taking a few minutes.

'Lord Chatham rose like Marcellus,-Viros supereminet omnes. He seemed to feel himself superior to those around him. His language, voice, and gesture were more pathetic, than I ever saw or heard before, at the bar or senate. He seemed like an old Roman senator, rising with the dignity of age, yet speaking with the fire of youth. The illustrious sage stretched forth his hand with the decent solemnity of a Paul, and rising with his subject, he smote his breast with the energy and grace of a Demosthenes.

This great and astonishing character opened with some general observations, on the importance and magnitude of the present American quarrel, (as he called it). He enlarged upon the dangerous and ruinous events, that were coming upon the nation, in consequence of the present dispute, and of the measures, already begun and now carrying on by his majesty's ministers. He arraigned their conduct with great severity and freedom. pp. 318, 319.

Lord Chatham's speech is given at length in the journal, from Mr Quincy's notes taken at the time. He afterwards remarks, that he had great satisfaction in reading his reports of the debates in the House of Lords, to one or two friends who heard them, that they thought them very correct, and spoke of the blunders, omissions, and misrepresentations of the printed accounts. Dr Franklin, in a letter to Mr Quincy's father, observes, The notes of the speeches taken by your son, whose loss I shall ever deplore with you, are exceedingly valuable, as being by much the best account preserved of that day's debate.'

We continue the extracts from the journal.

Lord Camden (undoubtedly the first common lawyer in England) spoke next on the side of America, and in support of the motion. He equalled Lord Chatham in everything but that fire and pathos, which are the forte of his lordship. In learning, perspicuity, and pure eloquence, probably no one ever surpassed Lord Camden.' p. 329.

"The Marquis of Rockingham also supported the motion. Lords Littleton, Suffolk, Gower, Townsend, Rochford, and Weymouth, spoke in opposition. I omit stating what their lordships said, lest I should be suspected by any, who may see this journal, of an unfair report of their speeches. But a very remarkable saying of Lord Gower I cannot omit. His lordship said, "My lords, I am for enforcing these measures; and" (with great sneer and contempt) "let the Americans sit talking about their natural and divine rights their rights as men and citizens! their rights from God and nature!"

The Duke of Richmond, in the course of his speech, said, "Some nobles seem to think that regular troops can easily vanquish raw soldiers. But, my lords, discipline was intended only as a substitute for what the Americans have already; attachment to their cause, virtue to inspire, a common cause, their all, to keep them to their duty. Americans will keep to their duty without discipline. They will keep to their standard without fear of discipline in case they desert it. My lords, Americans have the substance of what discipline is only the shadow. Discipline is only the substitute for a common cause, to attach through fear, and keep to their ranks and standard those, who would otherwise desert them. But, my lords, suppose you succeed, you cannot enforce these acts; you cannot force a government upon any people. You may spread fire, sword, and desolation, but that will not be government. You must change your places as you make your march of destruction. When you leave one place to subdue another, your government is gone."

"You cannot force men to serve in office. You cannot force men to be counsellors, judges, or sheriffs. You cannot compel jurors to sit on trial. You cannot force juries to present offences; in short, no people can ever be made to submit to a form of government they say they will not receive."

'The house divided on the question about ten, after the preceding debates. Contents, eighteen; noncontents, seventyseven, including proxies.*

'The Duke of Richmond, Lord Shelburne, and Lord Camden, pledged themselves to attend at all hazards, and at all times, as Lord Chatham had done.' pp. 333-335.

'January 23d. Attended a long debate in the House of Commons on American affairs. Speakers for the Americans; Burke, Johnston, Charles Fox, T. Townsend, Lord J. Cavendish, Captain Lutterell, Alderman Sawbridge, &c.-eightytwo. Against the Americans; Sir William Meredith, Lord North, Lord Clare, Sir George Macartney, Sir G. Eliot, Lord Stanley, &c.--total one hundred and ninetyseven.

'This debate and division show that if king, lords, and commons can subdue America into bondage, against the almost universal sentiment, opinion, wish, and hope of the Englishmen of this island, the deed will be done.' p. 337.

6 It is a good deal against my own private opinion and inclination, that I now sail for America. I have had no letter from there since they knew of my arrival. I know not what my next letters may contain. Besides the fine season is now coming on here, and

*The question was on Lord Chatham's motion, for an address to the King, for the removal of his majesty's forces from the town of Boston.