nation is concerned, the independence of the new world is secured. But the South Americans say, and perhaps justly, that her pride is not subdued, although her physical force is crushed, and that the spirit of revenge is stifled, not quenched, but slumbers to burst forth with increased fury, should her strength be revived. She will set up pretensions, and call them rights, and fortify them with records, decrees, and traditions, till the series terminates in the famous bull of Pope Alexander the Sixth, making over to Ferdinand and Isabella all the western world beyond a certain line, drawn from pole to pole through such points, as his Holiness was pleased to designate. The obstinacy, that has struggled for several years in a contest, which all the world has seen must end, as it has done, in defeat and disgrace to Spain, is too blind to see the reality at first, and too inveterate to be reclaimed by reason, justice, or common prudence. It will seize the first opportunity to renew its rashness, which accident or the progress of events may throw in its way, and which shall communicate the faintest gleam of life to a lingering hope.

Moreover, the Holy Alliance exhibits an aspect, which the South Americans are disposed to contemplate with much suspicion. Not that this formidable combination has anything in America, which can rightfully claim its attention, but the melancholy examples of Naples and Spain prove abundantly, that it is ready to meddle where it has no rights, nor proper interests. These kind hearted sovereigns, by their own professions, carried war and death into the Peninsula to make the people happy, and teach them how to manage their own affairs. Who knows how soon the same tender concern may be extended to America? And when this fit of sympatby shall once have taken as deep hold, as it did in the cases of Naples and Spain, why should it not be expected to see the bayonets of their Imperial, Most Catholic, and Most Christian Majesties, teaching the same lessons of happiness and self government to the Mexicans and Colombians, as they have before done with such triumphant success to the Neapolitans and Spaniards? The Holy Alliance exists as a whole, and in its parts, on a name, a shadow, the shadow of legitimacy, and when the people shall see what a vain, empty thing it is, the bubble will burst, the charm will be dissolved, and the airy fabric will fall. To keep the peo

ple in ignorance, therefore, and to suppress by collusion or force the first germs of intelligence and liberty wherever they appear, are among the most essential maxims of this political compact. Nothing but the want of adequate power, and the doubtful nature of the undertaking, would prevent these maxims being applied in America, with as much energy as in Europe. And although nothing can seriously be apprehended, it is prudent, to say the least, that the republics of the new world should be on their guard.

Then, again, there is the new empire of Brazil, bordering by a line of immense length on Colombia, Peru, and Buenos Ayres. It does not yet appear, in what direction this sprig from a royal stock will shoot. The names of emperor, crown, and sceptre, have no charms for American ears, and if the things, as well as the names, are to put forth the same virtues bere, that they have done in the old world, it is safe to say, that American ground cannot long be a quiet depository for such symbols of ancient darkness and domination. It is true, that Don Pedro the First has thus far shown a spirit of accommodation to circumstances, which augurs not badly. We are even told of the independence of Brazil, and a constitution, and these under an emperor! It will puzzle a republican of the United States to understand a combination of ideas so incongruous. If Don Pedro would become a president, and declare the Brazilians independent not only of Portugal, but of all hereditary forced dominion, whether from abroad or at home, and then give them a constitution recognising an equality of rights, and liberty to choose their own mode of being governed, he might talk in earnest of the independence of Brazil. But till this be done, there never will be any permanently good understanding between that country, and the neighboring states. Jealousies will arise, aggressions be committed, and wars break out. The idle dream of legitimacy will play at times in his Brazilian Majesty's imagination, and the great champions of this phantom in Europe will have succors for an oppressed brother, which may be contributed indirectly, if not directly, to such an extent, as to render him a troublesome neighbor to the adjoining republics. In their relations with Brazil, these governments have a common interest, and such relations may properly be discussed by a general Congress.

Such are some of the advantages, which the cause of South American independence will derive, from a single body of delegates convened from all the states, especially in the first stages of their national existence. The next important step is to secure a permanent peace, not only in regard to their standing with foreign nations, but with each other. It is of vast moment, at the outset of their political intercourse, that such measures should be concerted, and maxims adopted, as will be mutually understood and received. By judicious arrangements of this sort, the usual causes of national differences and discord will in a good degree be obviated, a uniformity of thinking on these subjects will gradually diffuse itself through the different parts, and a similarity of habits and opinions prevail. In short, each will see its real interests in their true light, and be ready to make sacrifices, where they are required from another. The governments of South America are all established on precisely the same principles, their condition has hitherto been the same, they have thrown off the same yoke of oppression, and they have before them the same difficulties to encounter in their national progress; they speak the same language, have the same manners, domestic habits, and characteristic peculiarities. It follows, of course, that similar laws and political institutions are strictly applicable to the whole. In this respect there can be no essential difference between Mexico and Chile, Buenos Ayres and Colombia. Yet some of these governments are separated by so wide a distance from others, that the bonds of national sympathy will every day become weaker, distinctive national habits will spring up, and, as in all other nations, not cemented by any local attachments, rival interests will begin to take root, and the seeds of discord to be scattered, and the fair blossoms of peace to be blasted. With every hope realised, the day will come, perhaps, when these evils will have a being, but this is no reason why their causes should not be timely cut off to as great a degree as possible. And since there is such an entire similarity in everything pertaining to the people of these countries, and in the principles of the governments they are constituting, it is evident, that they are in a condition to be guided by one general system, formed by a united voice. And it is moreover evident, that this same harmony of cha

racter, customs, opinion, and feeling, may be turned to the best account in promoting a universal spirit of conciliation and peace. An assembly of representatives, such as that at Panamá, is the only body, that could frame and give authority to a system, that would be suited to this uniformity of character, condition, and interests.

Peace will be preserved, not only by such a system, adapted alike to the institutions and internal policy of each government, but also by having a tribunal of weight and authority, representing the interests of all parties, to which may be referred national differences, the exposition of doubtful points in national law, the settlement of disputed rights and titles, and the interpretation of treaties. Many a long and bloody war would have been avoided in the old world, had these points been clearly defined, and understood in the same sense by the parties, before a difference of opinion, or a misapprehension, had kindled animosity, and an imaginary injury had prompted to unseasonable aggression.

Lastly, a general Congress is calculated to afford the most perfect guaranty, which can be given, of the security of the several states, or of the enjoyment of their rights and privileges as independent sovereignties. As the representatives meet on reciprocal grounds, the very essence of the confederacy will be a pledge to conduct their deliberations, and form their decisions, on principles of perfect reciprocity. It is only upon this basis, indeed, that the Congress can exist at all, and if this be removed, the union will necessarily dissolve. While such an assembly continues, therefore, in the full and active exercise of its delegated powers, the states individually can have no stronger safeguard to their rights as separate governments. A majority in the assembly will rule, but the interests of each member of the confederacy are so nearly the interests of all the others, that a case can hardly occur, in which a majority would come to a decision essentially detrimental to the minority, and not at the same time be equally so to themselves. The extraordinary circumstance already repeated, that is, the remarkable similarity of interests on all subjects, which will be brought before this body, guards its deliberations with a system of checks and balances, which leaves it no power to act, while it acts at all as a united assembly, except for the common good. This must

inevitably be the character of the assembly, unless it can be supposed, that the majority will conspire to accelerate their

own ruin.

Navigation and commerce are yet in their infancy in the South American republics; the laws of nations concerning this kind of intercourse are very imperfectly understood there, as well as the theory of the freedom of trade, and the rights of neutrals in time of war. Obstacles, which have proved most serious to the peace and prosperity of the old countries, will be removed, if the laws of international communication can be defined by a competent tribunal at this period, and be watched over and interpreted as occasions may hereafter require. In the administration of justice, and the general forms of internal government, the laws of Old Spain still prevail throughout Spanish America. These must gradually be reformed, and abolished, and their place supplied by others in unison with the spirit of free constitutions. Such a change must be produced slowly, but it will be done much more surely, when promoted by the influence of a general Congress, which will collectively be acquainted with the condition and wants of the separate republics, and be able to apply such counsels and such remedies as are most needed, and as will command the confidence and respect of the people.

But we aimed only at a few hints on this subject, and have already transgressed our intended limits. As far as we can collect the views of the South American writers, from such of their remarks as we have seen, it may be expected, that the immediate attention of the Congress will be drawn to some or all of the following topics, as enumerated in the Gaceta de Colombia of the 27th of February, 1825.

1. To form a solemn compact, or league, by which the states, whose representatives are present, will be bound to unite in prosecuting the war against their common enemy, Old Spain, or against any other power, which shall assist Spain in her hostile designs, or any otherwise assume the attitude of an enemy.

2. To draw up and publish a manifesto, setting forth to the world the justice of their cause, and the relations they desire to hold with other christian powers.

3. To form a convention of navigation and commerce, applicable both to the confederated states, and to their allies.