which are advancing so rapidly in every part of the world, where the shackles of antiquated forms are not felt.

The confederacy of Panamá is formed under auspices totally different from any, which have before existed. It has no prototype in the annals either of ancient or modern story. A hemisphere of the globe has become freed from the yoke of bondage, by hard struggles and by an energy, which only the spirit of freedom could inspire. The soil, which for three centuries was made sterile by the poisoned breath of tyranny, now gives growth and vigor to six great republics, as well organised as the circumstances of each will admit, and having for their basis the genuine principles of political liberty and justice. To give stability to these institutions; to remedy the numerous defects, which in their present stage they must necessarily possess; to consult and advance the common interests of twenty millions of people; to provide means of defence against aggression from without, and commotion from within; to secure peace and prosperity at home, and importance and respect abroad; to settle on definite grounds those political maxims, which for ages unnumbered will regulate the intercourse of nations, whose infancy will soon grow into a powerful manhood; to concert all the plans, in short, which wisdom can devise, and union execute, for increasing the strength and prosperity of every branch of the confederacy; these are some of the points to be considered at the Congress of Panamá. The spectacle of such a body, assembled for such a purpose, is not more novel than imposing; its members are literally the legislators of a continent; and it was a just remark of Bolivar, that this event 'will form a memorable era in the diplomatic history of America, and a hundred ages hence, when posterity seeks the origin of the international law of the southern republics, she will consult the records of the proceedings in the Isthmus.' Viewed in this light, and it is certainly the true light, the Congress of Panamá is an object of deep interest to all parts of the American continent, and although our own government is at present widely separated from the sphere of its action, yet it must necessarily, at a future day, participate largely of the influence of its measures.

In touching on this subject at present, we aim at nothing more, than to state a few historical facts, with very brief

remarks on the general purposes of the Congress of Panamá, reserving for a future occasion a discussion of its direct policy and designs, as these may be more fully developed. The project of a union between the new governments of the south, seems to have been early conceived by some of the leaders of the revolutionary contest, as a step highly important and desirable, but the first who undertook the business of carrying it into execution was Bolivar. If it succeeds, as its friends anticipate, he must be regarded the Aratus of the league. Till Peru had shaken off the yoke of the Royalists in 1821, so far at least as to set up a nominally independent government under San Martin, which it has since confirmed and maintained, and until Mexico had escaped from the folly and tyranny of her mock emperor Iturbide, it was obvious that any plan of confederacy between the other states could not be accomplished, with a prospect of permanency or advantage. But in 1823, when the power of Old Spain was virtually destroyed in South America, and each republic began to stand firm on its own basis, Bolivar, as President of Colombia, formally invited the governments of Mexico, Peru, Chile, and Buenos Ayres, to send delegates to the Isthmus of Panamá, or to any other place that might be agreed on, with the express design of establishing the confederacy, and proceeding in their deliberations, as the instructions and united wisdom of the parties might dictate. This invitation was promptly accepted by Mexico and Peru, and an agreement, in the nature of a treaty, was entered into by each with the plenipotentiaries from Colombia, containing a mutual pledge to send delegates to the confederate Congress. Chile and Buenos Ayres delayed joining the compact, for reasons not well known, nor does it appear, that they have yet determined to take a part by their representatives in the convention. The obstacles to their union are probably of a local and transient nature, which will in due time be removed, and the way be left open for them to come into the compact.

In this stage of the undertaking, as it was necessary for some one government to take the lead in its further prosecution, Bolivar sent a circular to all the republics, dated at Lima, December 7, 1824, recapitulating what had been done, and proposing, that delegates should immediately be

sent to Panamá, by those governments which had agreed to join in the confederacy, suggesting that they ought not, out of courtesy to the delinquents, to delay any longer to profit by the advantages, which it was confidently believed would be derived from such a convention. The governments of Colombia and Mexico promptly acceded to this request of the Liberator of Peru, and two delegates from each of these countries proceeded to the place of destination. It is presumed, also, that the republic of Guatamala will join the confederacy at the outset, and send its representatives.

The preliminary steps of the Congress are indicated by Santander, Vice President of Colombia, in his reply to Bolivar's circular. It is there proposed, that the governments of Colombia and Peru should authorise their plenipotentiaries, as soon as they arrive at Panamá, to enter into a direct correspondence with the other republics, acquainting them that conferences had commenced, and renewing the invitation for each to send representatives. That these same plenipotentiaries should have power to select such a place, as they should think proper, in the Isthmus of Panamá, for their preparatory conferences. And, again, that whenever delegates from Mexico, Guatamala, Colombia, and Peru, or from any three of these republics, should be convened, they should have power to install the assembly of confederate delegates, and proceed to the business for which they were convened. It is moreover stated, in the letters of the President of Mexico, and the Vice President of Colombia, that each of these governments, through their ministers plenipotentiary in Washington, had invited the government of the United States to take part in the deliberations at Panamá.

Such is a very brief history of the origin of this assembly; future events must unfold the character and extent of its doings. Meantime we hasten to a few observations on its proposed objects, as far as these can be understood, from the hitherto imperfect expositions of the parties themselves, and from the political condition and interests of the several republics. The pamphlet, whose title is prefixed to this article, and which was published at Lima within the last twelve months, affords some hints on this subject; and although it bears marks of haste, and is crude in composition, it is on the whole drawn up with a good deal of ability, and

manifests in the writer a deep knowledge of South American politics. It comes out as the posthumous work of Monteagudo, and this may be the true story of its origin, although the testimony in the preface is no more, than the assertion of an anonymous writer. It is a point of no consequence, however, who was the author of the pamphlet, as it treats of topics in no degree affected by the authority, from which the discussion of their merits proceeds. The name of Monteagudo is sufficiently notorious in the recent history of South American affairs, particularly in Chile and Peru. He raised himself from obscurity by the force of his talents, and his address, and acted a most conspicuous part in the strange drama of San Martin's political career. In Peru he was entrusted with almost absolute power by San Martin, but he used it for purposes, which have been condemned in the severest terms by those, who profess to be acquainted with his conduct. At all events, the people became so much exasperated with his proceedings, that he was compelled by their united clamors to leave the government, while San Martin was yet in Peru. From that time he lived as a private citizen till last January, when he was assassinated in the streets of Lima.

Here we will dismiss the supposed author of the pamphlet, and turn to the hints it contains on the Congress of Panamá. Three great points are said to claim the devoted and united attention of all the republics, and these are independence, peace, and security. To establish independence, preserve peace, and form a system of mutual guaranties, are objects equally essential to the prosperity, and even existence, of all the new governments, and such as can only be attained, in the most effectual manner, by a Congress, in which each shall be represented, and which shall proffer reciprocal support, fix the rules of national intercourse, and reconcile national dissensions. In his circular to the republics, Bolivar describes the Congress as a body, which may act as a council to us in our distresses, as a rallying point in our common danger, as a faithful interpreter of our public treaties when difficulties occur, and, in fine, as a mediator in all our differences.' This summary embraces all that can be desired from a confederacy, and it only remains to inquire what are the details, and whether they are practicable.

The thing of primary and vital importance to the South American Republics is their independence, and in this each one of them has an equal concern. Without independence, in short, they could not exist, and no sacrifices can be too great, no precaution superfluous, which shall have a tendency to establish this on an unshaken foundation. Where a com

mon enemy is to be feared, whose designs are equally hostile to each republic, common prudence would dictate, that the best pledge of security would be in the united wisdom, resources, and strength of the whole. The only possible mode of effecting this union, of applying these resources, is by a Congress of delegates from the respective governments, authorised to concert proper measures, and to become responsible for supplying such a portion of the means for carrying them into operation, as may fall to the lot of each, or as exigences may require. All the reasons might here be adduced in favor of a general Congress, which were so powerfully urged by Jay and Hamilton in the Federalist, when they insisted on a union of our States, as the best security against foreign invasion. If you would preserve peace, let it be seen, that you are prepared to meet, and have power to resist, an enemy.

The South Americans would not seem longer to have grounds for fear, that any further attacks will be made on them by a foreign foe, yet they are doubtless wise to keep on the side of caution. The arm of Old Spain is paralysed, not more in the new world, than in the old. The brilliant victory of Ayacucho severed the last thread of her dominion on the western continent, and wrested from her hand forever the sceptre of power, which she first acquired by bloodshed and treachery, and which for three centuries she has wielded only as an instrument of oppression. The last remnants of her prostrated forces are now collected at San Juan de Ulloa, a small island on the coast of Mexico; at the castle of Callao, the port of Lima, under the semibarbarous Rodil; and at Chiloè, in the southern borders of Chile. In these retreats their insignificance protects them, and from these they would soon be driven, were it possible for them to gain such accessions of strength, as to make them otherwise than insignificant.

In this state of things it is manifest, that all actual danger from Old Spain has ceased, and as far as that humbled