relief: not merely to pass a law or two to relieve the Treas ury by raising money from the people, and then go home. The idea, he said, appeared to be very general that there must be a recess. But he could not see the necessity or adequate reason of adjourning. But if it were settled that this is to be so short a session, and that measures so important are to take their final decision, at any rate, before it closes, why then, Mr. A. observed, it were better the session were shortened as much as possible. It were better, in fact, to adjourn at once-to-morrow. We have done mischief enough, he remarked, already, for the sake of relieving the Treasury. It would not be difficult, however, to lay the country under a yet further burden than that already imposed upon it-by the passage, meantime, of the bill which gives Government ten or twelve millions of dollars more. It would be easy to do this in one day by the aid of the previous question. And then, why not go home? Mr. A. remarked that he had heard no arguments for adjournment which had been based upon considerations of public interests, but only on those of mere private accommodation; just, said he, as we get all the gold and silver, while the people get nothing but rags.

But there was one other money bill the House might, by the aid of the previous question, also get through within the limits prescribed by the Senate for the duration of the session. Besides the ten or twelve millions of dollars for the Treasury, there was a bill on the table appropriating two or three millions of dollars more "for the suppression of Indian hostilities." Being one of that highly favored class of appropriation bills which he had before designated as "scalping-knife and tomahawk bills," it would be most easy to pass it by the previous question at

any moment.

Mr. A. gave as a reason why he would not vote for that bill, if it should come up, that no such appropriation as it makes was called for by the Executive. It was not mentioned in the message. There had been no intimation from any quarter, that should be taken as authority by the House in matters so important, that $2,000,000 more of the people's money was wanted in addition to the large sums already appropriated for the same object. But, said Mr. A., it seems to be the object of this session of Congress, rejecting all consideration of the claims and memorials of the people, to do only what in England is significantly denominated "the King's business," and then to go home as fast as pos sible!

The SPEAKER here suggested that the bill making appropriations for the suppression of Indian hostilities was not then before the House.

Mr. ADAMS, with great deference to the Speaker, would suggest that he was in order while giving as a reason why Congress should not adjourn next Monday, that important bills were yet to be acted on by the House, and to strengthen his argument by showing their importance. The SPEAKER conceded that right, but denied to the gentleman the power of going into the merits of those measures, or either of them, under the rules of the House. Mr. ADAMS. Those measures cannot be discussed without taking more time than will be allowed us if this resolution passes. Nor would it be consistent with the proper discussion of matters so important to adjourn before the commencement of the ordinary session. And, therefore, not, however, hoping that he should be successful in his appeal, he suggested to gentlemen the expediency of making the slight sacrifice of their personal conveniences to the public good. These inconveniences had mostly been already incurred; and, let gentlemen say what they will, the imputation, already alluded to by the gentleman from Maryland, [Mr. JOHNSON,] will be in the mouth of every man, woman, and child in the country,-" you went home to get double mileage!"

Mr. A. was going on to allude to the course which had VOL. XIV.-73

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been adopted in the House in regard to the resolution of inquiry into the causes of delay in prosecuting and terminating the Florida war, and which (said Mr. A.) seems to have been sent to "the paradise of fools,"-when he was interrupted by Mr. CAMBRELENG, who called him to order. The SPEAKER said that Mr. A. should confine himself to the question immediately before the House, instead of referring to so many distinct subjects.

Mr. ADAMS said he would endeavor to hedge himself within limits as closely as possible; and if he did chance to transgress the bounds of debate, even though it be ever so little, the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, who knows his absolute power in this House, will, no doubt, check him and bring him back.

Mr. A. said he had referred to two or three of the measures before the House for consideration. He would merely allude to two other great financial measures, which also awaited their action: the innumerable sub-treasuries on one side, and on the other a return to deposite banks. So much is to be said on both sides, and so much is to be said against both sides, of this question, there certainly could not be much time to spare, if they were to be discussed as they should be, prior to the 9th or the 16th inst., unless, to be sure, the previous question should be invoked to settle the matter; and if that is to be used, it may as well be resorted to immediately upon the second reading of the bill as at any other time. The chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means holds in his hands the debates of this House, and whenever a question has been debated as long as he thinks proper or convenient, all he has to do is to put down his foot, and the gag is at once upon us. Besides, there would be some reason for the passage of these bills, if, being done in a hurry, they will afterwards find the apology for their passage, which, were they to be adopted after deliberation, they could never obtain.

It is the opinion of some gentlemen that the sub-Treasury system was not intended to be discussed in that House. It had been called a bold measure in the President of the United States, who had given up his usual "non-committal" policy in recommending it. Perhaps, said Mr. A., it was the more "bold" from this very consideration, that it was not to be discussed, and was not intended to be passed. On this he would give no opinion; he would leave the solution of the problem to "that great teacher, Time.” At all events, it could not, if it was intended, he discussed and passed in so short a space as was proposed. It was a great measure of revenue, calling much profound finance, much deep philosophy, and, more than all to be considered here, much warm party spirit, into action upon it. It could not so soon be settled, except by the intervention of the previous question, and, if that were intended, he would say, let us come to the question at once, even this very day.

Besides these most important matters, there was one other, to which he would briefly allude, but with regard to the merits of which Mr. A. said he should express no opinion then. He had allusion to the Mississippi contested election. Here we have two members, deciding on all important questions-for, in these days, said Mr. A., we find a majority of two upon important questions in this House-while a large portion of the House entertain the opinion that they have no right here at all! Besides, it was an important constitutional question, and involving, too, a question of deep interest to the State of Mississippi, and there certainly was not time to do justice to it, before the day proposed for adjournment. Mr. A., however, would take the occasion to remark, that, whatever may be the result of this question, he was glad those gentlemen (Messrs. CLAIBORNE and GHOLSON) had been in the House during this session. They had, at all events, the voice of the people of Mississippi in favor of their being here thus long; and it is better that they should be here without a perfect