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OR, UNFETTERED THINKER AND PLAIN SPEAKER FOR
TRUTH, FREEDOM, AND PROGRESS.

"AND though all the winds of doctrine were let loose to play upon the earth, so Truth be in the field, we do injuriously to misdoubt her strength. Let her and Falsehood grapple! Who ever knew Truth put to the worse, in a free and open encounter?"-Milton's Areopagitica.

No. 3 Vol. I. FOR THE WEEK ENDING SATURDAY, JANUARY 17, 1850. [Price One Penny.

TO LORD DUDLEY STUART, M.P.

"If your demand have reason for its ground,
Why urge your suit with pleadings reasonless?
Reason's a fort which you can ne'er relinquish,
Without your enemy advancing straight
To take possession of that vantage left,
And turning on you your own batteries.
I pray you, captain, storm more soldierly."

Cavaliers and Roundheads.

MY LORD,-You have so long and fearlessly braved the sneers and opposition of your own class, in defence of the exiled Poles, and your championship of the cause of Hungary was so manly, during her recent struggles,— that no one can doubt your moral courage to maintain, openly and without reserve, any great principles which take a firm hold of your convictions. You, as well as Lord Nugent, have repeatedly declared on the public platform, that you would prefer Manhood, to Household Suffrage; and yet you, also, consent to merge your preference in the smaller rallying cry of the new Reform party. The thousands of the Unfranchised, I repeat, cannot see the consistency of this; and you will fail, therefore, to gain their entire confidence. They may be told, over and over again, that you and others would go for Manhood Suffrage at once, only you fear the Middle Classes would not go with you. But their conviction remains, that the Middle Classes might soon be induced to go for Manhood Suffrage, if men like yourself would lead the way, by throwing aside all expediency. Let me entreat you, my lord, to weigh these thoughts of my Order: they are the convictions of thousands of the most thoughtful among them, who have long marked how readily the sharers in property are disposed to be marshalled under names which wear the lustre of rank and station.

A conference of the new Reform party is announced to take place in March. If yourself and the respected and intelligent nobleman I have just mentioned were to introduce a motion into that assembly, for the adoption of Manhood Suffrage, by your Association,-you would, at least, test the sincerity of the majority of its council; for it is given out, on every hand, by members of that council, that its majority is for Manhood Suffrage. Surely, if their professions be sincere, they could not refuse to support such a motion at the conference; and their opinions must needs have great weight with the entire assembly of delegates.

Many of us who have borne a part in the struggle against class legislation for some years, cherish a hope that your Association will yet determine to give UNITY, which is strength, to the contest for the Franchise in this country. Abroad, as your lordship well knows, Universal or Manhood Suffrage is held by

all true liberals, to be the only proper foundation of a free and popular government. In none of the recent triumphs of freedom on the continent-unhappily so short-lived!-did the people hesitate to achieve less. And who can expect men of any intelligence, in this country, so long the boasted "native home of Liberty," to be behind the men of the continent in their demands? Who can expect the working-classes who have taught their children to look for the realisation of those free political institutions contended for by Sir William Jones, the Duke of Richmond, and a long line of other illustrious men in the last century, by the upright and persevering Cartwright in the present; and since his time by many whose virtues would, at least, bear a comparison with those of their opponents and oppressors-who can expect the working-classes to give up these hopes? Through weal and woe they have cherished them. They have been driven from employment, they have been proscribed as disturbers, they have been imprisoned as conspirators and sowers of sedition; but their resolution to maintain these hopes is unbroken. They know no other creed in politics that they think worth belief; for it seems to them a mockery to talk of "freedom," if it be not possessed by every honest, upgrown man, in the possession of his senses; and they feel it would be consenting to tyranny and injustice to deny to their equals what they ask for themselves. This is their plain English sense, my lord, and you cannot say their reasonings are far-fetched.

The Times is now twitting Reformers with their plurality of 'Charters,' and while acknowledging its clear conviction that Parliamentary Reform will be won, sensibly points to our divisions, as Four,' 'Five,' or 'Six Point' men, as infallible signs of a prolonged contest for victory. It remains with yourself, and a few other influential names, to bring over the new party to your avowed convictions; and UNITY is gained. The millions in the manufacturing districts must ever form the numerical strength of any great movement for Reform: these are now waiting to hear "Manhood Suffrage" pronounced as the true and only watchword in your councils, and they will re-echo the cry with an instantaneous vigour and united earnestness which will not only make the Times change its tone, but will produce a healthy foresight in the advisers of the Crown, as to what is needful to be done. There, again, an argument is suggested why our demand for the Suffrage should not be modified into something less than the People have so long embodied in their Charter.' It is confidently stated in a paper held to be an authority, that the present Ministry will introduce a measure for the extension of the Franchise at the very opening of the ensuing Session of Parliament,-nay, that the Queen will announce it in her speech from the throne. When the enemy hangs out the flag of capitulation, should the beseigers stipulate for less than they demanded when the beseiged remained resolute in hostility? And has not the present Premier openly declared that he would prefer Universal to Household Suffrage? Do not, in the name of common-sense, suffer these presages of approaching success to be turned into a partial defeat,-if earnest presuasion on your part can inspire the new division of the army of Reform to give us UNITY, and, by consequence, speedy victory.

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Above all, these indications of concession on the part of those who hold power should, one would think, determine Reformers to spurn the delays involved in the Freehold Land' scheme. Years must pass, even if workingmen in the populous districts should be favoured with prosperity, before i they could become possessed of the franchise by the purchase of land, in sufficient numbers to return a commanding majority of thorough reformers to the House

of Commons. A depression in trade would lengthen that delay. In the meantime, misgovernment must continue; and the discontent of suffering workingmen must again swell into exasperation,-and that greater than before, because yourself and other men of station have proclaimed that they are wronged, cruelly and unfeelingly wronged.

I would not be understood to intimate anything so false as that workingmen are unfavourable to the scheme of Mr. Taylor of Birmingham (adopted by your Association) as a land scheme. On the contrary, the wish to improve their condition by the possession of land is taking root in the universal heart of the working-classes of this country; but these wishes few have the means of gratifying. The thinkers among them object above all to the idea of concession to our opponents which is involved in Mr. Taylor's principle: it concedes, that neither a man's personality as a man, his possession of reason and volition,-his moral character,-nor, even, the share he already bears of the burthens of the state, and his liability to be called out to fight to maintain its supremacy,-are any sufficient claim for his right to participate in the choice of those who govern him; but that he must establish that claim by purchasing the possession of something that cannot think or fight, and cannot assist him to bear increased burthens of the state, without the exercise of his labour.

I know that some Parliamentary Reformers are accustomed to speak slightingly of all natural right to the Franchise; but this is a doctrine so firmly fixed in the convictions of intelligent workingmen in this country, that they would as soon think of denying their own existence as of denying its truth. If I understood you aright, in one of your speeches in London, you also are to be numbered among the maintainers of this natural right; and you will not therefore disapprove the persistent advocacy of

My lord, yours respectfully,

THOMAS COOPER.

Correspondence.

Hulme, Manchester, January 7, 1850.

"No privileged power in existence can withstand your efforts, if they be put forth wisely and determinedly."

MY DEAR SIR,-The above words, taken from your last letter to the Young Men of our Order, are so full of meaning, instruction, and importance, that they deserve, in my opinion, to be printed in bold type, and put over the fire-place, or in the most conspicuous place, in every working man's room. My heart's desire is, that every Toiler may soon learn, through such instrumentality as that of your journal, and those of a kindred interest, to feel and know the real depth and meaning of these words.

You ask-Is it time to attempt the formation of a Progress Union? For one, I reply that you seem to propose a clear and excellent plan; and happy should Í be to give a helping hand, as far as able, in promoting such a Union. I have long waited to see an announcement that would sufficiently clear the ground, and make ready the space, for the intellectual excavators to prepare the foundation of that moral building, which shall be a nursery for the neglected part of all the sons of toil.

I greatly deplore the splitting up of society into so many sections, whose professed object is alike,-the people's good. If these various sections, or their managing committees, could only be induced, in a few large towns, to sink their differences for six mutual meetings, and discuss this point of Union, I believe the

seventh meeting would be called to elect officers for the Progress Union, and to draw up such a code of rules as would be required.

I rejoice greatly at the success of the temperance cause; and if your proposition should (and why not?) meet with its desired success, I think the Temperance Brothers would be the first to hold out the hand of fellowship, and vigorously, earnestly, and manfully do their part for Manhood Freedom. This Union would be able to go to work immediately, and take a census of the male population, not as to number only, but as to education, political opinion, profession or calling, age, and any other desirable or requisite information, by requiring each member to take upon himself the responsibility of performing some portion of the necessary labour. The expense of printing would be very trifling for such a form as would be required; and the distribution and collection would be performed by voluntary labour. The Union would thus be able to show the tyrannical, oppressive Few, and their minions in place and power, the true proportion of Enfranchised and Unenfranchised, the number who require the franchise, and their fitness for its exercise; and thus, for ever, put to silence the arrogant tongue of any Minister of the Crown, who dared to say the people are not prepared to exercise that which he and all his associates, in effect, say is not their right.

Yours, faithfully,

Mr. Thomas Cooper.

JOHN VICKERS.

London, January 7, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,-I have just perused the first number of your journal, with feelings of the most lively interest and satisfaction. Such a periodical was much wanted. There has been much of mere fustian and empty declamation; but, unfortunately, vigorous independent thinking and plain speaking are far from fashionable among public journalists. The most important questions are altogether tabooed, or are considered solely with reference to a foregone conclusion. Orthodoxy is an idol before which men prostrate themselves in slavish adoration.

I am induced to offer these observations by perceiving that you have commenced the publication of your lectures on Strauss's celebrated "Leben Jesu,”. the fame of which is far more widely circulated than the knowledge of its contents. In seeking to familiarize the public mind with the profound reasonings of this great thinker, you have determined wisely, and acted manfully. I know there is a prejudice very generally entertained against any such investigations being pursued; more especially in any journal of a political character. But we must take prejudice by the beard, and look it boldly in the face. We can only achieve political freedom by mental emancipation. The expression of thought, upon all subjects, must be free and unfettered. There must be no restriction, no reservation. Theological enquiry is ever the accompaniment of awakened intellect, and strong political excitement. It must necessarily be so: to expect otherwise, is to expect that which is contrary to the universal history of mankind. Theological enquiry cannot be prevented, but it may be wisely directed, and temperately and usefully conducted.

The prejudice, however, against such investigations is not altogether without some foundation. They have been too frequently conducted in a frivolous spirit, and in the most offensive manner. They have been made the vehicle for coarse jokes and vulgar ribaldry. What has been called "free thinking," has often been only antagonism: the mere rebound against vulgar superstition. Such conduct may annoy and disgust, but can neither conciliate nor convince. Freethinkers must establish their claim to a respectful hearing, by treating serious subjects with seriousness. They must respect the feelings of others, and make due allowance for the prejudices of early education.

We must

I will only trespass upon your space by one further observation. endeavour to construct as well as to pull down. We must not only seek to detect error, but to discover truth. We must conserve whatever is excellent, as well as destroy all that is injurious. We must labour to find out agreements as well as

differences. If this were more frequently done, I believe it would be found that men were mostly agreed upon what was necessary and essential: that they differed only in that which was incidental and comparatively unimportant. I remain, yours truly,

Mr. Thomas Cooper.

THOMAS PORter.

London, January 8, 1850.

DEAR SIR,-I was much gratified by your proposal for the formation of a Progress Union. With me the idea has long been a favourite one. By my observations on various classes of the community, in different parts of the kingdom, I am convinced that the really thoughtful among the British people are thoroughly democratic.

The upholders of our present system of government may be divided into three classes. The first class (and the only real believers in its justice and efficiency) are the more uneducated amongst the rural population, who have inherited the ignorance and prejudices of their forefathers. I am happy to add that this class is rapidly decreasing. The second class consists of a portion of the middle-classes, who are usually termed moderate reformers. These men would gladly see a more just and economical form of government; but are too apt to associate ideas of muskets and barricades with thoughts of any radical cure of misgovernment. To these I would say, that their fears are groundless; since resistance on the part of the government would be madness, when that resistance was made to the demands of an united and intelligent people. The third class of our "most loyal" fellow subjects consists of the aristocrats, hereditary pensioners, and sinecurists, of every description, who are well aware that where the reign of Reason begins, theirs ends. They, of course, defend a system in which they are so deeply interested.

But a more important body of men, and those on whose exertions the freedom of the people mainly depends, remains to be noticed. These are the artisans, and other inhabitants of the manufacturing towns, and who are democrats en masse. Many will deny my assertion that nearly all the thoughtful of our population are in favour of democratic institutions, and will contend that were such the case, it would be impossible for the monstrous abuses in our present government to exist for a single day. Nor could these abuses exist were the People to adopt the only means by which they can hope to obtain a redress of their grievances: that is to say, a complete organization of the numerous, but now disunited, body of reformers. The Progress Union would go far towards effecting this object; since, if properly conducted, it might, in a short time, comprise the majority of the unfranchised members of the community, and thus be the means of ascertaining their real sentiments on any important question. This, under the present limited parliamentary representation, it is utterly impossible to obtain. I hope you will lose no opportunity of urging upon the attention of your readers the immense advantages of such a Union, and the probability of its proving the best means of advancing the "Great Cause.'

Mr. Thomas Cooper.

I am, dear Sir, yours, &c.,

A FRIEND OF THE PEOPLE.

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RICH AND POOR-The rich must be convinced, that while they live sumptuously, and while the poor are fed with a few of the scanty crumbs which fall from their table, they act quite contrary to the tenor of that gospel which they say they believe. It is not in nature or reason that one man should destroy twenty thousand a-year, and another should be left without the common necessaries of life. No; every creature which nature has formed with a mouth and digestive powers, has an equal right to participate of her blessings,-Candid Philosopher.

THE HINDOO RELIGION.-The Hindoo religion probably spread over the whole earth. There are signs of it in every northern country, and in almost every system of worship. In England it is obvious; Stonehenge is evidently one of the temples of Boodh; and the arithmetic, astronomy, astrology, the holidays, games, names of the stars and figures of the constellations; the ancient monuments, laws, and coins; the languages of the different nations, bear the strongest marks of the same original. The Brahmins of the sect of Brahma were the true authors of the Ptolemaic system; the Boodhists, followers of Budha, the authors of the Copernican system, as well as of the doctrine of attraction; and probably the established religion of the Greeks, and the Eleusinian mysteries, were only varieties of the two different sects.-Forbes' Oriental Memoirs.

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