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in 'holy orders' from sitting and voting as Members of the House of Com mgns. To bring all these things to pass, we shall no doubt have to sustain a hard fight; but ultimately realised they must be. The recent trial of the “ Gorham and Exeter"

case,

has imparted a powerful impetus to the wheel of church reform. In a religious point of view, the sion of the Privy Council on that case was as unimportant as if the question to be decided had been the average number of hairs on a tom-cat's tail

. In spite of the solemn judgment of the royal court, some folks will believe in 'baptismal regeneration, and some won't; some of the clergy will continue to preach the spiritual influence of baby-sprinkling, and endeavour to excite reverence for the damp finger of an ordained priest, while others will regard the ceremony as necessary to be performed, but having no effect on the infantine soul. Men of free thought will treat baptism and no-baptism as subjects unworthy the consideration of an enlightened mind, except as matters of history and antiquarianism. In a political point of view, however, this Gorham' business is not to be despised. It is fraught with vast results. It bas brought to a crisis the divisions that have long been fermenting in the ministration of the Church. Look at the frantic protest of the Rev. G. A. Denison, and other clergymen, against the decision; look at the meetings of the clergy held to express their feelings against the authority of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, declaring it an illegal tribunal ; look at the number of pamphlets advertised on both sides of the question ; read the two sermons just published by the Rev. W. Bennett, of Wilton Place Church, Knightsbridge, entitled “ The Crown, the State, and the Church," in which the Church is made to lament its crushed position, cries out for liberty of conscience, and deplores royal dictation; and then who shall say that the Church is not really in danger of a rupture with the State ? Time was when Mother Church trampled on dissenters with unrestricted foot; time was when she ruthlessly struggled to keep down the growth of freedom, and sought to smother every voice but her own; but circumstances have altered; truth and justice are more and more recognised, and are shining more and more unto the perfect day. The Church of England is no longer a compact body; external influences, direct and indirect, have succeeded in changing her relationship with the governing powers of the realm, as the feelings of those governing powers toward hér are also changed, and now she is " a House divided against itself.” The rock on which she once stood is crumbling beneath her foundations, and ere many years the ? Establishment' must give place to a system of voluntaryism and congregational discipline.

LAYMAN

THE PEOPLE'S DUTY REGARDING NATIONAL EDUCATION'

Mr. Fox, in the spirit of real enlightenment, has renewed the demand in the Legislature—it now remains to be seen what the People without are inclined to do. It is surely high time that something should be done. Thousands of children are daily growing up into men and women, without receiving any proper moral or intellectual training to qualify them for the discharge of the great duties of citizens. What we designate crime, is only the necessary result of our own greater criminality--and the fitting punishment upon us for the wicked neglect of our duties to those who, by this very neglect, become criminals. It is surely wiser and better to provide schools, than to build prisons,

Crime is not dangerous, but very expensive. In this, as in other respects, education is the “cheap defence of nations."

We scour the world in search of objects of benevolence; we expend hundreds of pounds daily for the enlightenment of the Heathen at the Antipodes, while, if we would only venture into the courts and back slums and blind alleys in our immediate neighbourhood, we should find, at least, equally deserving objects for our philanthropic zeal : Heathens quite as ignorant, and requiring as much instruction, under our own pious and charitable noses. Is it not scandalous, that with all our vaunted civilization and intelligence, onehalf of the population, according to the report of the Registrar-General, should be upable to write their own names,—while it also appears that only one child out of thirteen is receiving the benefit of School instruction ? And how much even of this is altogether unworthy of the name, Education is not only deficient in quantity, but miserably defective in quality. The educa, tion of the children of the poor has chiefly been left to the benevolent zeal of the different bodies of religionists. All honour to them for the good they have accomplished--for the kindly feeling and excellent motives by which I believe they have been, generally, actuated ! But it is a fact notorious to all who have made any enquiries into the subject, that with them in the great majority of instances, instruction is not only made subordinate, but subservient, to the work of Proselytism. The School is made a supplement to the Chapel, It may be regarded as a sort of theological manufactory; and children are the raw material, to be wrought up into Churchmen, Methodists, Baptists, Independents, Catholics, as the proprietors may determine. They are educated, not for this world, but the next. They are drugged with creeds, collects, catechisms; they are loaded with all sorts of unintelligible ignorance ; they are made to parrot forth a belief in the abstrusest mysteries, which have baffled the comprehension of men of the profoundest learning, and largest calibre of intellect; and to all this “intolerable deal of” theological “sack," there is scarcely furnished one "halfpenny worth” of “the bread" of secular instruction. For, according to the evidence of the Government Commissioners, secular instruction, even in its "most elementary form,” is very scantily administered. Need we wonder that the opponents of education should be enabled to quote jail statistics, to prove that such instruction has failed to elevate the moral character of those subject to its influence ?

Our present system of education displays neither faith in God, nor trust in man. We are guilty of the blindest, saddest idolatry--the worship of ourselves. We seek to perpetuate in our children the mental image of ourselves. We must raise the standard of instruction. We must familiarize the public mind with a higher estimate of the true purposes of education. It is not education, to load the child's memory with words and doctrines the relations of which it does not perceive -the meaning of which it cannot comprehend. It is not education, to cram into the child's mind as much as we can, as if it were a trunk, or a carpetbag, made to carry luggage. I apprehend that the object of education should be to educe, to draw out the best qualities and tendencies of the child's own being ; to develope and strengthen its powers of observation, reflection, and memory ; to cultivate its kindly sympathies, its love of goodness, its reverence for truth; to make it, in short, not what we will : not a stereotype impression of our own imperfect natures, but that which God intended it should become.

We may be a long way off this yet; but I believe the plan proposed by Mr. Fox is an approximation towards it. He is doing his part; and now

have ours to perform. Let me appeal to those of my own order.

we

Working men, if you desire that your children should be well and freely educated, by competent Teachers, without the degradation of receiving it as charity, and without having it contaminated by sectarian influences ; if you love your country, and desire its freedom ; if you are proud of its truest glory, and seek to elevate the character of its people, I call upon you to be up and doing instantly and earnestly. Indifference will be criminal. Be determined to do your utmost to prevent any portion of the people being hoodwinked or deceived, by an appeal to, and a misuse of party watchwords ! Be resolved to defeat the narrow-minded, who have already commenced their war-cry. Commence public meetings in every locality. Let every real Mechanics' Institution, every Mutual Instruction Society, every Working Man's Association, send in Petitions in support of the Bill for the Secular Education of the People. And where this cannot be done collectively, let it be done individually, and immediately. There is no time to lose. Government is waiting for your response. Let it be prompt and decisive. Tell the Legislature “ that there can be no wise and efficient Legislation while the People are suffered to remain in ignorance ; that it is injustice and cruelty to punish men without previously instructing them ; that it is a mockery and an insult to withhold from men their political rights, on the plea that it would be dangerous to intrust them to an ignorant people,—and yet to perpetuate that ignorance, by refusing them those means and facilities necessary for its removal.”

Above all, tell them that you “claim education as the birthright of your children ; of every child born into a civilized community,a birthright from which none, under any pretext whatever, should be debarred.” Tell Legislators and Statesmen, that this is a right which no sophistry can destroy, the practical recognition of which can neither be evaded or delayed, without incurring the most fearful guilt. Say to bigots and fanatics, “ Stand out of the sunshine !–God hath said, and the people re-echo—let there be light!"

TIOMAS SHORTER.

NOTES, WHICH THEY WHO RUN MAY READ. FRANCE.-Every succeeding number of the morning papers shews, more and more, how

fearfully the volcano is gathering for another and more tremendous explosion. The situation of the humblest mechanic in England is enviable compared to that of the President-Pretender. Any slight and unlooked-for incident may create the outburst that will engulph him in ruin ; and he lives in the hourly consciousness of it, amidst all his tinselled splendour. Thousands of the soldiery have voted for the three Socialists who have just been returned to the National Assembly, by triumphant majorities; and crowds of shopkeepers joined the workingclasses, in voting for them. Socialist unions exist in activity throughout the provinces, circulating tracts, and employing missionaries; and, every week, the papers record the dismissal of schoolmasters for spreading Socialism. The cabinet formed a short time ago, so resolutely, by Louis Napoleon, is found to be so incompetent that he would willingly get rid of it—but cannot get men of brains to take their places: Thiers, Molé, De Broglie, and Berryer, consent to give him advice, but declare that they dare not become ministers—so that there is an imperium in imperio- government within the government. The body of Red Republicans, meanwhile, manifest such perfect discipline, that they obey the injunctions of the Democratic press with the greatest unanimity, and preserve a sternly defensive attitude which alarms their opponents. A law is projected for making the publication of newspapers impossible unless by depositing a large sum with the government, as 'security;' another scheme is on foot for curtailing the suffrage; and the rumour continues that the term of the Presidency is to be extended for the present holder. But the truth is, that not only he, but the long-headed reactionnaires who consent to give him counsel without daring to hold office-are alike at thier wit's end; and were it not for Changarnier's resolution and influence with a part of the soldiery, Paris would be again in a revolution more incontrollable than any it has witnessed since 1789.

A CHANGE.-A singular toast was given the other day by Lord Carlisle (late Morpeth) in the Guildhall of the City of London-Prince Albert, a crowd of the aristocracy, the Foreign Ministers, and the Mayors of the United Kingdom, being the guests. It was The Working-men of the United Kingdom.And so it has come to that! The great people are compelled to acknowledge, at their banquets, that the little people are in existence. Such an event never occurred, in such a company, before 1850. Yet, there was no one selected to respond to the toast. One step at a time. Next time, it may be, some nice young man, properly bedizened for the occasion, may be selected to respond—who knows? Seriously, there is policy in all this preparation for the Grand Exhibition of Industry;' and whoever put it into Albert's head, knew what he was about. The whole country is beginning to be astir with it; and it will serve to keep trade prosperous for some time. The head which really projected the scheme-(for it is not very likely that a mere • Prince should have devised it, though it is a skilful flattery to give him the honour),—knew that so long as working-men have plenty of employ it is difficult to get them to think about politics; and that they wonld be sure to take a deep interest in such an exhibition of their workmanship as would bring them into rivalry with the workmen of other nations. He was not born yesterday' who devised this scheme.

THE RICH LACKEY.—The Marquis of Westminster-the richest of all the nobility-and said to have an income of nearly half-a-million a-year—"has finally attained the object of his life,” says the sarcastic Times, " and is appointed to the office of LORD STEWARD, with the full privilege of carrying a white stick about, like Polonius in the play, whenever the QUEEN gives a party to the lieges.” What paltry souls must reside in the bodies of some of these aristocrats! What beggars' minds they have, with all their wealth ! This man might have raised institutions for literature and art—built schools or colleges founded hospitals or almshouses—he inight have won the love and attachment of millions, have been more sovereign in the affections of Englishmen than any crowned or anointed sovereign,-in a word, he might have been a real king in the land;—and yet he chooses rather to be another's lackey! Fortune must be blind, as they say she is, or she would never have made this naturalborn lickspittle into a rich marquis.

PRIMOGENITURE.—Mr. Locke King drew the House of Commons into an unexpected discussion of this grievance, the other night—by moving that, when a land-owner dies without making his will, the land shall be divided among his relatives, instead of being claimable solely by his "heir-at-law.' Hume, Ewart, and others backed up the mover, stoutly; and the veteran Joseph said a few savage things about the aristocracy keeping up the Law of Primogeniture,' and thereby being necessitated to struggle for keeping up the Army, Navy, &c., in order to provide for their younger sons. Some affected to laugh him out of the force of his remarks; and Monckton Milnes fenced with the phrase • Law of Primogeniture.' Every one of them know, however, that although there is no such law' or statute—yet if a landlord dies without making a will, he can have but one heir-at-law, who, of course, is his eldest son—if the eldest son bo living; and, if not, the nearest of kin. They know, also, that land can be so tied down by entail that it cannot be willed away without the consent of the heir-atlaw. And, above all, they know, that so long as titles of nobility exist, the wearers must take care that their successors in title must also succeed to their land or the titled would become public laughingstocks. The Times—which can laugh at the lackey-Marquis with the other side of its face-gravely asserts, in this instance, that the English people have a ' respect' for the custom of Primogeniture, and that “it is part of a system which works tolerably well !" * Lord, lord ! how the world is given to lying !” as Falstaff said.

Tuomas COOPER,

SONNETS.

TO MAZZINI.
The noble Gracchi to the People's cause,
Devoted heart, and thought, and speech, and life,
Undaunted, though opposed in deadly strife,
By all whose power lay in the ancient laws,
They fell; but others from their ashes rose,
Whose spirits roused by Freedom's holy cry,
Resolved to bravely win, or bravely die.
Again these fell, o'erwhelmed by mighty foes;
Then, doubters deemed no more again for Rome
Would daring Tribunes rise. But this our time
Hath seen thee-noblest, purest, most sublime,
That ever told to earth the tyrant's doom;
And proudly to Rienzi's age-stamped fame,

We join, with hopeful hearts, Mazzini's name!
Birmingham.

JOHN ALFRED LANGFORD.

TO KOSSUTH.

The annals of the world contain no name,
At which we freely with more reverence bow,
Than thine, immortal Kossuth! Thou art now
Dear to the hearts of all, whose bosoms flame
With hope for the redemption of mankind.
Well hast thou done and bravely. Hearts there be
Thy name hath roused from hopeless lethargy,
To holy work. Oh, that thy prophet mind
Had been united to a Cromwell's sword;
And in the field thy guiding arm been seen,
As from the council thy strong voice was heard.
Ah, then how changed thy Country's fate had been!
But, we despair not: if thy work be done,

Yet, thou undying fame hast surely won!
Birmingham

JOAN ALFRED LANGFORD.

Co Correspondents. Correspondents will please address “ Thomas Cooper, 5, Park Row, Knightsbridge, London.

P. L. W., Ashton; 'Leander' ; A. A. ; Sappho.' Their poetry is respectfully declined.

J. C., Finsbury; he will see the subject of his letter (for which I am, nevertheless, obliged) taken up in another shape.

Friend of the People. I am gratified with his earnest letter ; but have no hope of seeing a Progress Union realised, at present. So long as abundance of employment continues working men cannot be roused to effort. And who can wonder at it, that remembers their long and severe deprivations and the influences with which they are surrounded ?

• Kappa.' The letters are usually placed after unfinished quotations of Greek, and have the same import as .et cetera,' in Latin, or 'and so forth,' in English.

Henry DAWES.—Will he please to write me his Address more legibly? I wrote to him ; but the letter is returned by the Post-Office.

Lectures, in Londort, for the ensuing Tweek. Suxbay, March 31, at 7, Hall of Science, (near F'insbury Square,) City Road. Super

stitions of the Middle Ages, and the Dreams of the Alchymists." - Thomas Cooper. At 7, Literary Institution, John Street, Fitzroy Square. “Importance of Mr. Fox's Secular Education Bill, and its provisions, as means of teaching the People"

-G. J. Holyoake. WEDNES., April 3, at 8, Hackney Literary and Scientific Institution. Ancient Rome"

James Silk Buckingham,

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