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after another. His grandson by the third son is bishop and anchorite of Lann Leire. Another grandson is abbot of Lann Leire. The son of the latter is abbot of Lann Leire and economus' of Armagh, whose son again is abbot of Lann Leire.49 But perhaps the most instructive example is connected with the celebrated monastery of Clonmacnois. Torbach, abbot or primate of Armagh in 812, was the son of one abbot of Louth, and the father of another abbot of the same place; and from him descended a family who filled many offices connected with Clonmacnois, and among them we shall find that even the Anchorites married and were succeeded by sons. This family were called the Cinel Torbaigh. Their connection with Clonmacnois began with his son. Aedhagan, who died on his pilgrimage at Clonmacnois in 834; and his son was Eoghan, the anchorite, who died in 845. Eoghan's son Luchairen, scribe and anchorite at Clonmacnois, died in 863; and in 893 his son Egertach, the Aircinnech or Erenagh of Eaglais-beg, or the little church at Clonmacnois, died. In 947 the son of the latter, Aenagan, Erenagh of the little church, and bishop and pure virgin— that is, unmarried-died; and in 953 his brother Dunadhach, bishop of Clonmacnois; whose son Dunchadh, Ferleighinn, or lector of Clonmacnois, and its anchorite, afterwards head of its rule and history, died in 1005. He was father of Joseph, who was anmchara, soul-friend or confessor of Clonmacnois. Joseph's son was Conn na-mbocht, or of the poor, who appears in the Annals of the Four Masters in 1031 as 'Head of the Cele De and Anchorite of Clonmacnois,' the first that invited a party of the poor of Cluain at Iseal Chiarain, and who presented twenty cows of his own to it. Of this it was said

O Conn of Cluain ! thou wert heard from Erinn in Alban; O head of dignity! it will not be easy to plunder thy church. And Conn was father of Maolchiarain, coärb of Ciaran, or

49 See King's Introduction, p. 73.

abbot of Clonmacnois.50 It is unnecessary to follow this further, but it is obvious how prevalent at this time in Ireland was the marriage of the clergy of all classes and the perpetuation of their ecclesiastical offices in the lines of their own descendants, and that it had even broken down the asceticism of the Anchorite and the canonical rule of the Cele De in this respect. In Scotland we find that the territory of the old monasteries was called Abdaine, or Abbacy, a word represented in Latin by 'abbatia' or 'abthania,' and had to a great extent passed into the hands of laymen who often retained for several generations the name of abbot.51 The territory termed the Abthania of Dull, which was of great extent and included the modern parishes of Dull and Fortingall, seems to have been in the hands of Crinan, the lay abbot of Dunkeld, and, along with the possessions of the latter abbacy must have placed him on a par as to power and position with the great Mormaers of Alban.

A.D.

1028-1055.

Alban.

During the reigns of his son Duncan, and of the usurper Macbeth, we find that Maelduin, called by Bower son of Maelduin Gillandris, was bishop. He appears as Maldunus, bishop of bishop of St. Andrews, granting the church of Markinch with all its land to God, St. Servanus and the Keledei of the island of Lochleven; 52 and his death is thus recorded in 1055 by Tighernac, who was his contemporary: Maelduin, son of Gillaodran, bishop of Alban, the of the clergy, died in Christ.' 53

50 See King's Introduction, p, 21; An. F. M., vol. ii. p. 825.

51 See vol. iii. p. 261, and Fordun's Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 413, for an account of these Abthainries. From this word Abthania Fordun formed his fictitious office of Abthanus, and from its apparent resemblance to the word Thanus, with which it has no real connection, made him supreme over the Thanes.

giver of orders to the Gael
Wyntoun tells us he was

52 Maldunus episcopus Sancti
Andreæ contulit ecclesiam de
Marchinke cum tota terra honori-
fice et devote Deo et S. Servano et
Keledeis de insula Louchleven cum
prefata libertate. Chart. Prior.
St. And.,

p.

116.

53 1055 Maelduin mac Gillaodran epscop Alban et ordan Gaedel o cleircib in Christo quievit.-Tigh.

A.D.

1055-1059. Tuthald bishop of

bishop twenty-seven years, which places the commencement of his episcopate in 1028.

His successor was Tuthald, who is said by Bower to have held the bishopric for four years only, and during his episcopate he grants the church of Scoonie to the same Culdees. This brings us to the year 1059 when Fothad became bishop, 1059-1093. two years after Malcolm, surnamed Ceannmor or Great last bishop Head, had, by the defeat and death of Macbeth, recovered

Alban.

A.D.

Fothad

of Alban.

Character of Queen Margaret and her

reforms in

for his family the kingdom of Scotia; and Fothad's tenure
of the bishopric lasted throughout the whole of his reign.
Probably the most important act he performed, and one
that exercised a most powerful influence on his church, was
the marriage of King Malcolm to the Saxon Princess
Margaret, which took place in the spring of 1069. Wyntoun
tells us-

Malcolme oure Kyng than till hys wyff
Weddyd Saynt Margret; wyth hyr hys lyff
In lele spowsale he thowcht to lede,
Departyd quhyll thai suld be wyth dede.
Off Saynt Andrewys the byschape than
The secund Fothawch, a cunnand man,
Devotly mad that sacrament,

That thai than tuk in gud intent.55

There is perhaps no more beautiful character recorded in history than that of Margaret. For purity of motives, for an earnest desire to benefit the people among whom her lot the Church. Was cast, for a deep sense of religion and great personal piety, for the unselfish performance of whatever duty lay before her, and for entire self-abnegation, she is unsurpassed, and the chroniclers of the time all bear testimony to her exalted character. Ordericus Vitalis says of her, in few words, This distinguished princess, descended from a long

54 Tuadal episcopus Sancti Andreæ contulit ecclesiam de Sconyn prefatis viris religiosis devote et integre cum omni libertate et

honore pro suffragiis orationum. -Chart. Prior. St. And., p. 116.

55 Wyntoun, Chron., B. vii. cap. 3.

line of kings, was still more eminent for her great worth and the sanctity of her life;' 56 and the Saxon Chronicle considers that her marriage took place by divine appointment, for 'the prescient Creator knew beforehand what He would have done by her; for she was to increase the praise of God in the land, and direct the king from the erroneous path, and incline him, together with his people, to a better way, and suppress the evil habits which the nation had previously cultivated, as she afterwards did;' and the Chronicle sums it up by saying that she 'performed many useful deeds in the land to the glory of God, and also in royal qualities bore herself well, as to her was natural.' 57 It was not unnatural that her religion, though unquestionably pure and genuine, and the all-pervading motive of her actions, should yet be identified with the church in which this feature of her character had been developed, and that the rites and customs of that church formed the standard to which she brought everything as the only rule of right; and thus much that appeared strange to her in the customs of the church of her adopted land could only present itself to her mind as erroneous and as evil practices which required to be corrected. Unfortunately the life of Queen Margaret which has come down to us, and which has been attributed to Turgot, her confessor, while it enters into details as to her private life which amply bear out her personal character as a religious, pious and devoted woman, is extremely meagre and unsatisfactory in describing her relations with the native church.58 It tells us that in the place where her nuptials were celebrated, that is, in Dunfermline, she erected a noble church, which she dedicated to the Holy Trinity; and she decorated it with many ornaments, among which not a few of her gifts, which were

56 Orderic. Vital., B. viii. c. 22. 57 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Thorpe's edition, vol. ii. p. 172.

58 This life has been printed by

Pinkerton in his Vita Sanctorum, and also in the appendix to the edition of Simeon of Durham edited for the Surtees Club, vol. i.

59

designed for the most holy service of the altar, consisted of vases of solid and pure gold. She also introduced the crucifix into the church, having presented one to this church richly ornamented with gold and silver intermixed with precious stones; and similar crucifixes she left to other churches, 'as marks of her piety and devotion, of which the church of St. Andrews affords an instance, where a beautiful crucifix which she there erected is still to be seen.' Her attention, however, appears to have been soon directed towards the state of the Scottish Church generally, in which she naturally found many practices, peculiar to the old Celtic Church, which differed from those she was accustomed to see in the church in which she had been reared. Estimated by the standard of that church, they appeared to her 'to be contrary to the rules of the true faith as well as to the sacred customs of the universal church,' and she sought, by frequent councils, to have them rectified. Her biographer tells us that at the principal council thus held she, with a few of her own ecclesiastics, contended for three days with the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God, against the supporters of these strange customs; while her royal husband, who was equally well acquainted with the Anglic language and with his native Gaelic, acted as interpreter.' 60

Margaret began by pointing out that they who agreed with the Catholic Church in worshipping one God, in one faith, should not differ in regard to certain new and strange practices. And she, first of all, 'explained they did not rightly observe the forty days' fast, inasmuch as they did not commence the fast, with holy church everywhere, on Ash Wednesday, but on Monday in the following week. To which they replied, that what they observed was a six weeks' fast, on the authority of the Gospels which narrate the fast of Christ. The queen answers that they differed 59 Vita S. Margaretæ, cap. iv. 60 Ib. cap. viii.

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