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It has, however, sir, I know, been insinuated by some persons, that the national legislature is doing wrong in urging the prosecution against Mr. Hastings, at a time when its attention might be so much more advantageously employed for the country. I have heard it intimated, that among other high matters which claim a precedence, that a commercial treaty with France has just been concluded, embracing objects of such a vast and momentous nature, as alone to be entitled at present, to all our deliberative wisdom. To this I reply: is it possible that any one can conceive that parliament is mispending its time by inquiring into the oppressions practised on millions of unfortunate persons in India, with a view of bringing to exemplary and condign punishment the most daring of these delinquents, who have wantonly perpetrated flagrant acts of enormous tyranny, and rapacious peculation? Can it be deemed by any one a misuse of our functions, that we are diligently exercising the most effectual means of wiping off the disgrace which tarnishes the British name in India, and of rescuing our national reputation from lasting infamy? Surely, sir, no man who entertains a proper sense of his country's glory can think a subject of higher magnitude, or deeper interest than this, could come before us, or that we could push the inquiries which it involves with too much steadiness, too ardent a zeal, or a too industrious a per

severance.

To the credit of this house it has already pronounced the solemn award, that Warren Hastings deserves to be impeached for " high crimes and misdemean ors." By this decision we have shown our abhorrence of that novel and base sophism in the principles of judicial proceedings, which was attempted to be introduced, that crimes may be compounded; that allowing Mr. Hastings to be guilty of all which is alleged against him, his guilt ought to be balanced by the splendid successes of his administration; that these are a complete set off to all his oppressions, treacheries, corruptions, cruelties and peculations;

and that though king, lords, and commons have declared against him after the most calm, patient, and elaborate scrutiny into his conduct, yet it should escape punishment, because, the high criminal can produce a vote of thanks from the court of propri·

etors.

The house, I repeat, has in this respect, done itself immortal honour. We have proclaimed to the world, that however degenerate an example some of the British subjects have exhibited in India, the people of England collectively, speaking and acting by their representatives, feel as men should feel on such an occasion. We have asserted that there are acts which no political expediency can sanction or extenuate. We have said, that in the administration of Mr. Hastings, we have discovered, to use the language of an eloquent member,* "acts of strong injustice, of grinding oppression, and unprovoked severity."

We have, moreover, declared that my noble friend + who instigated this prosecution, is no false accuser. That he was actuated to do it by no envy, malice, or unworthy motive. But that, on the contrary, he is the indefatigable, the persevering, and finally, the successful champion of oppressed multitudes over their despotick and cruel oppressor. This house has proved itself, in short, superiour to the arrogant pretensions that were advanced in behalf of Mr. Hastings," of the pillar of India, of the corner stone of our strength in the East, of the talisman of the British territories in Asia," whose character has been said by his silly admirers to be above censure, and whose conduct was not within the reach of suspicion.

If ever there was a subject, sir, in which inquiry has been full, deliberate, candid, and dispassionate, it is certainly the present one. There are, no doubt, in this house questions occasionally agitated from motives of party, and in which decisions are supposed to be matters of easy acquisition. But, I now

* Mr. Pitt.

+ Mr. Burke.

utterly disclaim all such reasons as influencing this proceeding, and do solemnly profess to God, that in my own bosom there is an entire conviction of the guilt of Mr. Hastings, and that I am sensible all those who are concerned in the prosecution feel the

same.

With regard, especially to his treatment of the Begums of Oude, the ground of the present charge, I have no hesitation, or reserve in stating as my honest belief, that it comprehends every species of human offence and moral depravity. Towards these unfortunate women, he has proved himself guilty of rapacity at once violent and insatiable; of treachery cool and premeditated; of oppression useless and unprovoked; of breach of faith unwarrantable and base; of cruelty unmanly and unmerciful. These are the crimes of which in my soul and conscience I arraign Warren Hastings, and of which, I have the confidence to say, I shall convict him.

Let it not be supposed that I mean to rest the charge on mere assertion, or upon the warm expressions which the impulse of wounded sensibility may excite. No, sir, I will establish every part of it by the most unanswerable proof, and the most unquestionable evidence. I will support every allegation by testimony which cannot be contradicted, namely, by that of Mr. Hastings himself.

As there are members in this house who are prepared to become his advocates, I therefore challenge them to keep an eye upon me, to watch if I advance one inch of assertion for which I have not solid ground. For I shall trust nothing to declaration, and hence I desire credit for no fact which I do not prove, and which, indeed, I do not demonstrate beyond the possibility of refutation or denial,

With these preliminary remarks I proceed cursorily to examine the defence of Mr. Hastings, which, sir, he put into my hands to day for the first time, as I entered into the house. This defence must be considered as a second answer to the charge now under review. But the new attempt at a vindication will be

seen to be no less unfortunate than the preceding one. It cannot now be pleaded as formerly by him, that his defence is crude and imperfect, because, hurried by the want of time and opportunity to prepare it. Of each he has had an ample allowance, and you will find, sir, with what care, and diligence, and labour he has sought matter of justification. But it will also be found, that in the whole of his defence there is not one fact truly stated; not one quotation accurately given, nor one assertion which is made out by the premises.

It is here endeavoured to be proved, that the treasures of the Begums were not private property, but that they belonged of right to the nabob. To establish this, various steps are related, which were taken by Mr. Bristow in the years 1775 and 1776, to procure from them assistance to the nabob; not one of which steps, as stated by Mr. Hastings, is true. It must be remembered, that at that period the Begums did not merely desire, but expressly stipulated, that of the 300,000l. promised, 110,000l. should be paid in sundry articles of manufacture. Is it not obvious, that the sale of goods in this case, which had been brought by Mr. Hastings as an apology for the exposition of their pilfered goods to publick auction in 1781, far from partaking of the nature of an act of plunder, was an extension of relief, indulgence, and accommodation ? Mr. Hastings alleges the principles of the Mahometan law in mitigation of his severities; as if he means to insinuate, that there is something in Mahometanism, which renders it impious in a son not to plunder his mother. The minutes of council in the year 1775 clearly prove, that the women upon the death of their husbands are entitled by the Mahometan law only to the property within the zenana or harem where they lived. This is decisive. The resident used no threats; military compulsion was not so much as menaced; the disputed property was given up by the Begums, and the further treasure which was within the zenana was confessedly their own. A treaty had even been signed

by the nabob, and ratified by Mr. Bristow, in the nature of a guarantee, by which it was stipulated, that, on their paying 300,000l. they should be freed from all further application. Is this transaction of a nature calculated to prove that the right to the treasure of the Begums was vested in the nabob? If the Mahometan law had even given such a right, was not that right excluded by the treaty? Even in the year 1775, the princesses of Oude entertained a reliance upon the protection of the British government ; and to prove this, I shall cite a letter of that date from the Begum, the mother of the nabob, to Mr. Hastings, in which she observes, "If it is your pleasure, that the mother of the late nabob, myself, his other women, and his infant children, should be reduced to a state of dishonour and distress, we must submit. But if, on the contrary, you call to mind the friendship of the late blessed nabob, you will exert yourself effectually in favour of us who are helpless."

Let us next look to the immediate pretences which were assigned for seizing the treasure of the Begums. It was said, that they had given disturbance at all times to the government of the Nabob. That they had long manifested a spirit hostile to the English government. That they had urged the Zemidars to revolt; and that they had excited and were accessory to the insurrection at Benares. Now, each of these allegations is sufficiently disproved by Mr. Hastings himself, who makes it appear, that on the contrary they had particularly distinguished themselves by their friendship for the English, and by the various good offices which they rendered to the government. Mr. Hastings left Calcutta in 1781, and proceeded to Lucknow, as he said himself, with two great resources in his mind, Benares and Oude. From one of these provinces he intended to recruit the exhausted finances of the company. What was the nature of these boasted resources? They resembled the equitable alternative of a highwayman, who, in going forth in the evening, was held in suspence which of his fields to prefer,

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