the people had been exceedingly deceived with respect to the nature of the tax, the collection of which, they were endeavouring to oppofe. That the poor man, whofe dwelling houfe with the out houfes and house lot of not more than two acres, is worth less than 100 dollars, pays nothing for it; and if it be worth one hundred dollars, the tax will be only twenty cents. By the fame rule he adds, that other houses of higher value will pay as follows: If worth 200 Dollars 40 Cents. 60 80 300 400 500 100 or 1 Dollar "Thus," he fays, "the rich man with a house valued at one thousand dollars, will pay three times as much tax as the poorer man, whofe house is valued at one half the fum, or five hundred dollars, and in this manner the tax goes on encreafing upon the coftly houfes of the rich, until they are taxed five times as much in proportion to the value of their houfes, as their poorer fellow-citizens whole houses are worth only from one hundred to five hundred dollars. A houfe worth one hundred dollars pays twenty cents. which is one fifth of one per cent on its value. A houfe worth thirty thoufand dollars, pays three hundred dollars, which is one per cent on its value, five times as much in proportion." "From hence," fays he, "my fellow-citizens, you must be convinced, that the oppofition of this tax in your counties, is not only contrary to the conftitution, the laws, and every principle of good government; but also moft abfurd and foolish, fince the tax, which is refifted falls fo lightly on the poorer citizens who are perfuaded to refift. He concludes in this elegant and pathetic manner, "let me therefore, my fellow-citizens, warn and intreat you, as you love your country; as you prize the bleffings of liberty, with order and peace; as you wish to avert the neceffity of fhedding blood, which is equally contrary to my wifhes, and those of the President; as you dread the evils of civil war, and defire to efcape the crimes and punishments of traitors to their country: to turn a deaf ear to the councils of thofe wicked men, who would draw you into deftruction; who to gratify their own ambition or to protect themselves from punifhment for their crimes, would induce you to take up arms against the laws and government of your country, and to engage in a ftruggle as hopeless al criminal, against the whole force of the United States; who talk to you about peace and liberty, while they foment a civil war: who complain of expence, while they compel the government to increase it, for the purpose of fuppreffing infurrection; and who boaft of being republicans, while they violate the most effential principle of republicanifm, which is obedience to the laws paffed by the confent of a majority. And let me warn you to to abflain from giving aid in any manner whatsoever, to the aforefaid infurgents, on the pain of becoming involved in their crimes and purifhment, No. 24. It appeared from good authority, that thefe infurgents were at first very jolent in their oppofition to government; but upon the approach of the troops, who have already taken Fries their principal leader, and lodged. him in Philadehia jail, along with fome others, it is univerfally believed that the others will either make their escape, or fubmit to the mercy of government, and thus the reign of reafon will again raise its head amongst these deluded people. Population, Government, and Manners of the United States. FROM the beft accounts that can at prefent be obtained, there are within the limits of the United States, three millions, eighty three thou fand, and fix hundred fouls. This number which is rapidly increafing, both by emigrants from Europe, and by natural population, is composed of people of almost all nations, languages, characters and religions, The greater part however, are defcended, from the English; and, for the fake of distinction, are called Anglo-Americans*. The natural genius of Americans, not through prejudice we would charita. bly fuppofe, but through want of information, has fuffered in the defcriptions of fome ingenious and eloquent European writers. The Count de Buffon has endeavoured to fupport the theory, That on this fide the Atlantic there is a tendency in nature to belittle her productions.' This new and unfupported theory has been applied, by the Abbe Raynal, to the race of whites tranfplanted from Europe. Mr. Jefferfon has confuted this theory; and by the ingenuity and abilities which he has fhewa in doing it, has exhibited an inftance of its falsehood. The affertion of the Abbe Raynal, that America has not yet produced one good poet, one able mathematician, one man of genius in a fingle art or a single science,' produced the following reply from Mr. Jefferson. "When we shall have exifted as a people as long as the Greeks did before they produced a Homer, the Romans a Virgil, the French, a Racine and Voltaire, the English a Shakespeare and Milton, fhould this reproach be ftill true, we will enquire from what unfriendly caufes it has proceeded, that the other countries of Europe, and quarters of the earth, fhall not have infcribed; any name in the roll of poets. In war we have produced a Washington, whofe memory will be adored while liberty fhall have voteries, whofe name will triumph over time, and will in future ages affume is just flation among the most celebrated worthies of the world, when that, wretched philofophy fhall be forgotten which would arrange him among the degeneracies of nature. In phyfics we have produced a Franklin, than whoin, no one of the prefent age has made more important difcoveries, nor has enriched philofophy with more, or more ingenious folutions of the phenomena of nature. have fuppofed Mr. Rittenhoufe fecond to no aftronomer living; that in ge nius he must be the first, because he is felf-taught. As an artist he has exhi bited as great proofs of mechanical genius as the world has ever produced. He has not indeed made a world; but he has by imitation approached nearer its Maker than any man who has lived from the creation to this day. As Wo *This enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, is agreeably to the cenfus taken in 1793, (which, however, was at that time rather incomplete, fome re tarns from the western territory not being delivered to the office of the Secretary of State.) It is now fuppofed, from the natural encrease of the human fpecies by pro pagation and the acceibion of multitudes fioin many parts of the Old World, that the prefent population of the American republic cannot be lefs than five millions. Dd in philofophy and war, so in government, in oratory, in painting, in the plaf. tic art, we might fhew that America, though but a child of yesterday, has al ready given hopeful proofs of genius, as well of the nobler kinds, which aroufe the beft feelings of man, which call him into action, whic." substantiate his freedom, and conduct him to happiness, as of the fubordinate, which ferve to amufe him only. We therefore fuppofe that this reproach is as unjust as it is unkind; and that of the geniuses which adorn the prefent age, América con tributes its full fhare. For, comparing it with thofe countries, where genius is molt cultivated, where are the moft excellent models for art, and scaffoldings for the attainment of fcience, as France and England, for inftance, we calculate thus. The United States, contains three millions of inhabitants; France twenty millions; and the British illands ten. We produce a Wash ington, a Franklin, a Rittenhoufe; France then fhould have half a dozen in each of these lines, and Great-Britain half that number, equally eminent. It may be true that France has; we are but juft becoming acquainted with her, and our acquaintance fo far gives us high ideas of the genius of her inhabitants. It would be injuring too many of them to name particularly a Voltaire, a Buffon, the conftellation of Encyclopedifts, the Abbe Raynal himself, &c. &c. We therefore have reafon to believe the can produce her full quota of genius. The prefent war having fo long cut off all communication with Great Britain, we are not able to make a fair eftimate of the Hate of science in that country.” The literature of the United States is very flourishing. Their progrefs in the art of war, in the fcience of government, in philofophy and aftronomy, in poetry, and the various liberal arts and fciences, has, for fo young a coun try, been aftonishing. Colleges are inflituted in all the flates north of North Carolina, excepting Delaware, and liberal provifion is making for their efta blifhment in the others. The colleges are generally well furnished with libra? ries, apparatus, inftructors, and ftudents. The two late important revolutions in America, which have been fcarcely exceeded fince the memory of man, I mean that of the declaration and establishment of independence, and that of the adoption of a new form of govern ment without bloodfhed, have called to hiftoric fame many noble and distinguished characters, who might otherwife have flept in oblivion. But while we exhibit the fair fide of the character of Fedro-Americans, we would not be thought blind to their faults. A European writer has juftly obferved, that if there be an object truly ridiculous in nature, it is an American patriot, figning refolutions of inde pendency with the one hand, and with the other brandifhing a whip over his affrighted flaves.' Much has been written of late to fhew the injuftice and iniquity of enfla ving the Africans fo much as to render it unneceffary here to fay any think on that part of the fubject. We cannot, however, forbear introducing a few obfervations refpecting the influence of flavery upon policy, morals and manners. From repeated and accurate calculations it has been found, that the expence of maintaining a flave, efpecially if we include the purchafe money, is much greater than that of maintaining a free man; and the labour of the free man, influenced by the powerful motive of gain, is at leaft twice as profitable to the employer as that of the flaves. Belides, flavery is the bane of induftry. It renders labour, among the whites, not only unfashionable, but difreputable. Induftry is the offspring of neceflity rather than of choice, Slavery precludes thus nceeffity; and indolence, which Brikes at the root of all focial and political happiness, is the unhappy confequence. Thefe obfervations, without adding any thing upon the injuftice of the practice, fhew that flavery is impolitic. Its influence on matters and morals is equally pernicious. The negro wenches in many, perhaps I may fay in most inflances, are nurfes to their mill reffes children. The infant babe as foon as it is born, is delivered to its black nurfe, and perhaps feldom or never taftes a drop of its mother's milk. The children, by being brought up, and conftantly affociating with the negroes, too often imbibe their low ideas, and vitiated manners and morals; and contract a negroigh kind of ac cent and dialect, which they often carry with them through life. A mifchief common, in a greater or lefs degree, in all the fouthern flares, at which humanity and decency blufh, is the criminal intercourfe between the whites and blacks. "The enjoyment of a negro or mulatto woman," fays a traveller of obfervation," is fpoken of as quite a common thing. Nó reluctance, delicacy or fhame, appear about the matter. It is far froci being uncommon to fee a gentleman at dinner, and his reputed offspring a Hlave, waiting at the table." "I my felf," fays this writer, "faw two inflances of this kind; and the company would very facetiouly trace the features of the father and mother in the child, and very accurately point out the more characteriffic refemblances. The fathers neither of them blushed, nor feemed difconcerted. They were called men of worth, politeness, and humanity. Strange perverfion of terms and language! The Africans are faid to be inferior in point of fenfe, underflanding, fentiment, and feeling to white people; hence the one infers a right to enflave the other. The African labours night and day to collect a finall pittance to purchafe the freedom of his child: The white man begets his likeness, and with much adifference and dignity of foul, fees his offspring in bondage and mifery, and makes not one effort to redeem his own blood. Choice food for fatire! wide field for burlefque! noble game for wit! fad caufe for pity to bleed, and for humanity to weep! unless the enkindled blood inflame refeniment, and vent itself in execrations!" * To thefe I fhall add the obfervations of a native of a flate which contains a greater number of flaves than any of the others. For, although his obfervations upon the influence of flavery were intended for a particular fate, they will apply equally well to all places where this pernicious practice in any confiderable degree prevails. "There mult, doubtless," he obferves, " be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people produced by the existence of flavery among us. The whole commerce between malter and flave is a perpetual exercife of the moft boiftercus pallions, the moft unremitting defpotifm on the one part, and degrading fubmiffions on the other. Our children fee this, and learn to imitate it; for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he fces others do. If a parent could find no motive, either in his philanthro py or his felf-love, for reftraining the intemperence of pallion towards his lave, it fhould always be a fufficient one that his child is prefent. But generally it is infufficient. The parent forms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the fame airs in the circle of smaller daves, gives a loose to his worft of pallious, and thus nurfed, educated, and daily. * Mr. Jefferson. exercifed in tyranny, cannot but be flamped by it with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by fuch circumftances. And with what execration should the flatef man be loaded, who, permitting one half of the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms thofe into defpots, and these into enemies, deftroys the morals of the one part, and the amor patria of the other. For, if a flave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in reference to that in which he is born to live and labour for another; in which he muft lock up the faculties of his nature, contribute as far as depends on his individual endeavours to the evanifhment of the human race, ar entail his own miferable condition on the endless generations proceeding from him. With the morals of the people, their induftry alfo is deftroyed. For, in a warm climate, no man will labour for himself who can make another labour for him. This is fo true, that of the proprietors of flaves a very fmall proportion indeed are ever feen to labour. And can the liberties of a nation be thought fecure when we have removed their only firm bafis, a conviction in the minds of these people that these liberties are the gift of God? That they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is juft: that his juffice cannot fleep forever: that, confidering numbers, nature and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of fituation, is among poffible events that it may become probable by fupernatural interference!-The Almighty has no attribute which can take fide with us in fuch a conteft. But it is impoffible to be temperate and to purfue this fubjeft through the various confiderations of policy, of morals, of hiftory natural and civil. We must be contented to hope they will force its way into every one's mind. I think a change already perceptible, fince the origin of the prefent revolution. The fpirit of the mafler is abating, that of the flave rifing from the duff, his condition mollifying, the way I hope preparing, under the aufpices of heaven, for a total emancipation; and that this is difpofed, in the order of events, to be with the confent of the mafters, rather than by their extirpation." Under the federal government which is now effablifhed, we have reaíon to believe that all flaves in the United States will in time be emancipated, in a manner moft confiftent with their own happiness, and the true interest of their proprietors. Whether this will be effected by tranfporting them back to Africa, or by colonizing them in fome part of our own territory and extending to them our alliance and protection until they fhall have acquired ftrength fufficient for their own defence; or by incorporation with the whites; or in fome other way, remains to be determined. All thefe methods are attended with difficulties. The firft would be cruel; and the fecond dangerous: and the latter difagreeable and unnatural. Deep-rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections by the blacks, of the injuries they have fuftained; new provocations; the real diftinction which nature has made; befides many other circumftances which would tend to divide them into parties, and produce convulfions, are objections againft retaining and incorporating the blacks with the citizens of the feveral flates. But juftice and humanity demand that these difficulties fhould be furmounted. In the middle and northern flates there are comparatively but few flaves and of course there is lefs difficulty in giving them their freedom. Societies for the manumiffion of flaves have been inftituted in Philadelphia and |