what, in its legitimate influence, it tends to produce, and is destined to achieve.

These incontestible truths furnish, it would seem, not only motives to exertion, but also principles of influence sufficiently available, to encourage united and hopeful activity.

These truths have not, indeed, in time past, been altogether unfelt, nor unuttered. Here and there a voice has been lifted up to proclaim them. But these voices, coming forth at distant intervals and remote from each other, and in comparison so few, have never met and blended, so as to arrest the attention and the passions absorbed in war. Amidst the tumults of arms and battles, they have been disregarded. Meantime the great majority of the teachers of mankind have been silent through despair, or themselves sharing the prevailing delusions, have sought to palliate the hideous custom, or even joined to swell the notes of acclamation and applause. Here and there, it is true, may be found in the writings of moralists and statesmen, passages reprobating War as a guilty and monstrous dereliction of the true design of human nature, or deploring it as a curse and scourge of the earth; yet with an evident hopelessness of its ever ceasing. Amidst the aspirations of poets and philanthropists, we light here and there upon visions of a golden age returned, when Peace should again revisit the earth; -visions in which the dreamers themselves had scarcely any faith, and which most men laughed to scorn. The most that Christian Faith and Hope dared look for, was that in the dim obscurities of some distant age, the Gospel, in some mysterious way, was to have its full power, and its predictions their accomplishment, when "the sword should be beaten into the ploughshare and the spear into the pruning hook, and nations should learn war no more ;" but with the fulfilment of which they could no more conceive their own agency required, or possibly connected, than with the revolutions of the planets.

This language may perhaps seem overcharged. Certainly we have no wish to exaggerate. We acknowledge all the exceptions to these statements that can be found. We render honor to the peaceful principles of certain bodies of Christians;

-principles that have stood the test of more than one sharp trial. We should be glad to see gathered together into one view, all that right-minded moralists and statesmen have said on this subject,-views such as those expressed by Franklin, and Washington, and Jefferson, in our own country. "God grant," said Franklin, " that we may never see another war; for in my opinion there never was a good war, or a bad peace." "For the sake of humanity," said Washington, "it is devoutly to be wished, that the manly employment of agriculture, and the humanizing benefits of commerce, should suspend the wastes of War, and the rage of conquest." "Will nations," writes Jefferson," will nations never devise any other national umpire of difference than force? Are there no means of coercing injustice, more gratifying to our nature, than a waste of the blood of thousands? Wonderful has been the progress of human improvement in other lines. Let us hope, then, that we shall at length be sensible that war is an instrument entirely inefficient to the redress of wrongs." We might, certainly, collect numerous expressions of similar sentiments, within the last seventy years, by men in our own and other countries, distinguished by character and political eminence.

But after all, if we reflect how few and how isolated these expressions have been, in comparison with those of an opposite character; and how little practical effect they have produced— how little actual exertion they have called out, and how little they have affected the policy of governments, we are left to acknowledge an indifference as astonishing as it is deplorable.

Such, too, to a very great extent, is the aspect of christendom, even at the present moment. Still, however, there are to be seen clear indications of a much more general and quickened sensibility to this subject. In many respects important changes have taken place; and many cheering omens may be discerned.

The causes of the more decided movement in regard to this subject, it might be difficult to assign precisely, and in their exact proportion of influence. Many things conspired. Principally, beyond doubt, we are to look to the career of Napoleon,

the most fearful impersonation of the genius of War, conquest, military glory, ever seen in the world. Convulsing both hemispheres, overturning the ancient thrones and dynasties of Europe, sweeping with a broad track of desolation beyond the bounds of European civilization,-the nations of the earth were "in fear and great perplexity ;" and for a while seemed to gaze in helpless awe, at the terrible energy of his resistless march. But he had roused against him the self-love, the pride, the fear, the hatred, the physical, and what was still more, the moral power of Europe; and the nations combined to crush him, as an untameable wild beast, whose existence was no longer compatible with the safety of the world.

He fell for to stand in such a conflict was impossible. Exhausted by the long and obstinate struggle, the people sunk down to repose. Drained of treasure and of blood, weary and sick of War, the universal wish was for Peace. Then perhaps was not the moment for fully understanding all the lessons, which the scenes of fifteen years combined to teach. Reflection and time were necessary to gather and impress them all upon the general mind. They have not yet exhausted these sources of instruction. But these stupendous convulsions had, during their progress, forced many salutary convictions, not only upon the minds of those, who, more aloof from their influence, watched the progress of affairs, but upon the governments immediately affected by them. Thus the eyes of governments were opened to the impolicy, the danger, of any longer tolerating the monstrous principle of Conquest, which, in the hands of revolutionary Propagandism, and subsequently of military ambition, could produce such tremendous effects. And in truth, if we consider the time, the circumstances, and the theatre on which it was displayed, never has the spirit of conquest and military glory been seen in such a terrific manifestation, and so calculated to rouse the world into a fixed horror and aversion against the spirit and the agency it employs. During the brief career of Napoleon, the world saw the spectacle of five millions of human lives, and eight thousand millions of dollars, (to say nothing of the incalculable indirect losses and evils,) sacrificed

by the insatiable ambition, and boundless selfishness of a single individual. The impression of all this upon the minds of thoughtful observers, could not fail to be deep and solemn. The self-love and fear, if nothing else, of Kings, were likewise effectually alarmed. They were startled into a conviction how very dangerous and impolitic, at least, it was to sanction a principle which could put it in the power of fortune and individual ambition, to overturn or shake all the thrones of Europe. Of this at least, the declarations of the Allied Sovereigns were the expression. But we believe that they were more: we believe there was a deeper feeling of its wickedness, its sin and shame, than before, a moral re-action against the spirit of conquest and of war. At all events, it was the first public, solemn and combined reprobation, by the great sovereigns of Europe, of what had always before been practically sanctioned. And oh, if they had then but clearly and fully discerned, honestly proclaimed, and faithfully maintained the true principles of justice and political wisdom, what an era might then have dawned on Europe; and how truly might they have deserved the title of Holy Alliance!

We will not here pursue any farther the consideration of those events, in their more strictly political influences on the principles and measures of governments; but will glance at the origin and progress of more special exertions in the promotion of peace.

While those scenes, to which we have referred, were passing, the eyes of Christian philanthropy were also watching them, and a profound impression of the melancholy contradiction of such scenes to the spirit of the gospel, and to the true end and happiness of man, could not fail to be made. Sickening at the spectacle of human nature, exhibited to their view, and the boundless crimes and miseries of war, the cry, as it would seem, burst from many a heart: shall the sword devour forever? These sentiments found their utterance through the press. As early as the year 1809, a tract by a gentleman of New York had been published, which called forth a reply and a rejoinder; this awakened some attention, led to discussion, and occasioned

the spread of pacific principles in that city. Early in 1815, the same gentleman published a treatise, entitled: "War inconsistent with the Religion of Jesus Christ."

In the mean time, a similar spirit was at work in other parts of the country, and particularly in Massachusetts. It was greatly extended by the "Solemn Review of the custom of War," a tract by the Rev. N. Worcester, D. D. published at Boston, near the close of the year 1814. The circulation of this tract was very great, both in this country and abroad, and had a most important influence in quickening the sensibilities of the humane, in diffusing pacific principles, and leading to subsequent exertions.

At this time, the duty of extending the knowledge of Christianity to the pagan nations, had just begun to be more generally felt; Christian benevolence had been quickened by new impulses, and called forth in new directions. A multitude of benevolent associations for extending the Gospel, and applying its principles as the grand remedy for human evils, were then just springing up and consolidating. This facilitated the attempt to bring the spirit of the Gospel in reference to war, to act on the conscience, and awaken the exertions of Christians. For it is a beautiful truth, that the developement and vivid enforcement of one latent Christian principle, spreads outward, quickening other latent principles, and calling forth the activities they demand. It is the quality of deeds of Love to enlarge the spirit and strengthen power of Love. At this time, too, the strength of Union and the power of Opinion were beginning to be better understood than ever before:-the unlimited resources of moral power, in rectifying opinion, combining and directing its force, were becoming every day more available.

The first

From these influences resulted Peace Societies. four that were formed, the New York, the Massachusetts, the Ohio, and the London, sprang up nearly simultaneously, (in 1815, and 1816,) and probably without a knowledge of each other's existence at the time. The American Peace Society was formed at New York, May, 1828.