to fix Lord Chatham at least to that one constitutional remedy without which all others can afford no security. The embarrassment no doubt was cruel. He had his choice either "That the grateful thanks of this court be presented to the Right Hon. William Earl of Chatham, for the zeal he has shown in support of those most valuable and sacred privileges, the right of election, and the right of petition; and for his wishes and declaration, that his endeavours shall hereafter be used that parliaments may be restored to their original purity, by shortening their duration, and introducing a more full and equal representation, an act which will render his name more honoured by posterity than the memorable successes of the glorious war he conducted." To this vote of thanks the Earl of Chatham made the following reply to the committee deputed to present it to his Lordship: 66 GENTLEMEN, "It is not easy for me to give expression to all I feel on the extraordinary honour done to my public conduct by the city of London; a body so highly respectable on every account, but above all, for their constant assertion of the birthrights of Englishmen in every great crisis of the constitution. "In our present unhappy situation my duty shall be, on all proper occasions, to add the zealous endeavours of an individual to those legal exertions of constitutional rights, which, to their everlasting honour, the city of London has made in defence of freedom of election and freedom of petition, and for obtaining effectual reparation to the electors of Great Britain. "As to the point among the declarations which I am understood to have made, of my wishes for the public, permit me to say there has been some misapprehension, for with all my deference to the sentiments of the city, I am bound to declare, that I cannot recommend triennial parliaments as a remedy against that canker of the constitution, venality in elections; but I am ready to submit my opinion to better judgment if the wish for that measure shall become prevalent in the kingdom. Purity of parliament is the corner stone in the commonwealth; and as one obvious means towards this neces sary end is to strengthen and extend the natural relation between the constituents and the elected, I have, in this view, publicly expressed my earnest wishes for a more full and equal representation by the addition of one knight of the shire in a county, as a further balance to the mercenary boroughs. "I have thrown out this idea with the just diffidence of a private man when he presumes to suggest anything new on a high matter. Animated by your approbation, I shall with better hope continue humbly to submit it to the public wisdom, as an object most deliberately to be weighed, accurately examined, and maturely digested. "Having many times, when in the service of the crown, and when retired from it, experienced, with gratitude, the favour of my fellow-citizens, I am now particularly fortunate, that, with their good liking, I can offer anything towards upholding this wisely-combined frame of mixed government against the decays of time, and the deviations incident to all human institutions; and I shall esteem my life honoured indeed, if the city of London can vouchsafe to think that my endeavours have not been wanting to maintain the national honour, to defend the colonies, and extend the commercial greatness of my VOL. I. C C to offend the Rockingham party who declared formally against short parliaments, and with the assistance of whose numbers in both Houses he must expect again to be minister, or to give up the confidence of the public, from whom finally all real consequence must proceed. Lord Chatham chose the latter, and I will venture to say that, by his answer to those thanks, he has given up the people without gaining the friendship or cordial assistance of the Rockingham faction, whose little politics are confined to the making of matches, and extending their family connections, and who think they gain more by procuring one additional vote to their party in the House of Commons, than by adding to their languid property and feeble character, the abilities of a Chatham, or the confidence of the public. Whatever may be the event of the present wretched state of politics in this country the principles of Junius will suit no form of government. They are not to be tolerated under any constitution. Personal enmity is a motive fit only for the devil. Whoever or whatever is sovereign demands the respect and support of the people. The union is formed for their happiness, which cannot be had without mutual respect; and he counsels maliciously who would persuade either to a wanton breach of it. When it is banished by either party, and when every method has been tried in vain to restore it, there is no remedy but a divorce; but even then he must have a hard and a wicked heart indeed who punishes the greatest criminal merely for the sake of the punishment; and who does not let fall a tear for every drop of blood that is shed in a public struggle, however just the quarrel. JOHN HORNE. country, as well as to preserve from violation the law of the land, and the essential rights of the constitution." On the subject of triennial parliaments, Lord Chatham appears subsequently to have changed his opinion, as will be seen by reference to his speech in the Lords, April 30, 1771, in which he declares himself "a convert to triennial parliaments."-ED. LETTER LIV*. TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. SIR, August 13, 1771. I OUGHT to make an apology to the Duke of Grafton for suffering any part of my attention to be diverted from his Grace to Mr. Horne. I am not justified by the similarity of their dispositions. Private vices, however detestable, have not dignity sufficient to attract the censure of the press unless they are united with the power of doing some signal mischief to the community. Mr. Horne's situation does not correspond with his intentions. In my own opinion (which I know, will be attributed to my usual vanity and presumption) his letter to me does not deserve an answer. But I understand that the public are not satisfied with my silence; that an answer is expected from me, and that if I persist in refusing to plead, it will be taken for conviction. I should be inconsistent with the principles I profess if I declined an appeal to the good sense of the people, or did not willingly submit myself to the judgment of my peers. If any coarse expressions have escaped me I am ready to agree that they are unfit for Junius to make use of, but I see no reason to admit that they have been improperly applied. Mr. Horne, it seems, is unable to comprehend how an extreme want of conduct and discretion can consist with the abilities I have allowed him; nor can he conceive that a very honest man, with a very good understanding, may be deceived by a knave. His knowledge of human nature must be limited indeed. Had he never mixed with the world one would think that even his books might have taught him better. Did he hear Lord Mansfield when he defended his doctrine concerning libels? Or when he stated the law in prosecutions for criminal conversation? Or when he delivered his reasons for calling the House of Lords together to receive a copy of his charge to the jury in Woodfall's trial? Had he been present * Junius, in Private Letter, No. 37, makes the following observation : If Mr. Horne answers this letter handsomely, and in point, he shall be my great Apollo." upon any of these occasions he would have seen how possible it is for a man of the first talents to confound himself in absurdities which would disgrace the lips of an idiot. Perhaps the example might have taught him not to value his own understanding so highly. Lord Littleton's integrity and judgment are unquestionable; yet he is known to admire that cunning Scotchman, and verily believes him an honest man. I speak to facts with which all of us are conversant. I speak to men and to their experience, and will not descend to answer the little sneering sophistries of a collegian. Distinguished talents are not necessarily connected with discretion. If there be anything remarkable in the character of Mr. Horne, it is that extreme want of judgment should be united with his very moderate capacity. Yet I have not forgotten the acknowledgment I made him. He owes it to my bounty; and though his letter has lowered him in my opinion, I scorn to retract the charitable donation. I said it would be very difficult for Mr. Horne to write directly in defence of a ministerial measure and not be detected; and even that difficulty I confined to his particular situation. He changes the terms of the proposition, and supposes me to assert that it would be impossible for any man to write for the newspapers and not be discovered. He repeatedly affirms, or intimates at least, that he knows the author of these letters. With what colour of truth then can he pretend that I am nowhere to be encountered but in a newspaper? I shall leave him to his suspicions. It is not necessary that I should confide in the honour or discretion of a man who already seems to hate me with as much rancour as if I had formerly been his friend. But he asserts that he has traced me through a variety of signatures. To make the discovery of any importance to his purpose, he should have proved either that the fictitious character of Junius has not been consistently supported, or that the author has maintained different principles under different signatures. I can not recall to my memory the numberless trifles I have written; but I rely upon the consciousness of my own integrity, and defy him to fix any colourable charge of inconsistency against me. I am not bound to assign the secret motives of his apparent hatred of Mr. Wilkes; nor does it follow that I may not judge fairly of his conduct, though it were true that I had no conduct of my own. Mr. Horne enlarges, with rapture, upon the importance of his services; the dreadful battles which he might have been engaged in, and the dangers he has escaped. In support of the formidable description, he quotes verses without mercy. The gentleman deals in fiction and naturally appeals to the evidence of the poets. Taking him at his word, he cannot but admit the superiority of Mr. Wilkes in this line of service. On one side we see nothing but imaginary distresses. On the other we see real prosecutions-real penalties-real imprisonment-life repeatedly hazardedand, at one moment, almost the certainty of death. Thanks are undoubtedly due to every man who does his duty in the engagement; but it is the wounded soldier who deserves the reward. I did not mean to deny that Mr. Horne had been an active partisan. It would defeat my own purpose not to allow him a degree of merit which aggravates his guilt. The very charge of contributing his utmost efforts to support a ministerial measure implies an acknowledgment of his former services. If he had not once been distinguished by his apparent zeal in defence of the common cause he could not now be distinguished by deserting it. As for myself, it is no longer a question whether I shall mix with the throng, and take a single share in the danger. Whenever Junius appears, he must encounter a host of enemies. But is there no honourable way to serve the public without engaging in personal quarrels with insignificant individuals, or submitting to the drudgery of canvassing votes for an election? Is there no merit in dedicating my life to the information of my fellow-subjects? What public question have I declined? what villain have I spared? Is there no labour in the composition of these letters? Mr. Horne, I fear, is partial to me, and measures the facility of my writings by the fluency of his own. He talks to us, in high terms, of the gallant feats he would have performed if he had lived in the last century. The unhappy Charles could hardly have escaped him. But living princes have a claim to his attachment and respect. Upon these terms there is no danger in being a patriot. If he means anything more than a pompous rhapsody, let us try how well his argument holds together. I presume he is not |