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washed by the ocean; but the first actual information of this sea which they obtained,

"Was given to the Spanish conquerors by the native Americans. Basco Nunnez de Balboa, a Spanish commander at Darien, to verify the intelligence he had received, marched with a body of Spaniards, and with Indian guides, across the isthmus. He was opposed in the passage by the natives. They demanded who the bearded strangers were, what they sought after, and whither they were going? The Spaniards answered, they were christians, that their errand was to preach a new religion, and to seek gold; and that they were going to the southern sea.' This answer not giving satisfaction, Balboa forcibly made his way. On arriving at the foot of a mountain, from the top of which he was informed that the sea he so anxiously wished to discover was visible; he ordered his men to halt, and ascended alone. As soon as he had attained the summit, he fell on his knees, and with uplifted hands returned thanks to heaven, for having bestowed on him the honour of being the first European that beheld the sea beyond America. After wards, in the presence of his followers, and of many Indians, he walked up to his mid-. dle in the water, with his sword and target; and called on them to bear testimony that he took possession of the South Sea, and all which appertained to it, for the King of Castile and Leon.

"The particular position of the coast of that part of the American continent from whence the sea on the other side was first discovered, appears to have stamped on it the denomination of the South Sea. The isthmus of Darien lies nearly east and west; consequently, there the two seas appear situated, the one to the north, and the other to the south. If the new sea had been first discovered from any part to the south of the bay of Panama, it would probably have received some other appellation. A consequence resulting from the name thus imposed has been, that the Atlantic ocean, by way of contra-distinction, has occasionally been called the North Sea, even in its most southern part."

Only two years after this discovery the court of Spain sent Juan Diaz de Solis to explore the southern coast of America, and seek out a passage into the South Sea and to the Spice Islands. Juan Diaz was one of the most able navigators of his time; but he was slain by the natives near the Rio de la Plata, and upon his death the remainder of his people returned. The next expedition was under the command of Fernam de Magalhaens. Captain Burney we believe is mistaken in the orthography of this name; he says,

"The Spanish authors call him Magallanes, and generally with the christian name Hernando, Galvaom, De Barros, and others of his countrymen, write the name Fernando de Magalhanes, and this orthography has been adopted by Mr. Dalrymple. The strange practice (for it is one of those which custom cannot familiarise) of translating proper names, even when composed of words which have no descriptive or second meaning, has not been neglected in that of Magalhanes. In Spanish it is Magallanes; in Italian, Mugaglianes; and the English of Magalhanes has been Magellan.”

In the last edition of Barros the name is spelt Fernao de Magalhães, which the Portugueze, when they disuse the til, write Fernam de Magalhaens. When they call him Magalhanes, they represent the sound of his Spanish name in Portuguese orthography, Castilianizing it, as he expatriated himself. Captain Burney is so very accurate a writer, that we are sure he will be pleased to see the minutHe should write Galvam, not Galvaom, est errors of his volume pointed out. Barros, or Joam de Barros, never De Barros.

"Fernando de Magalhanes, by birth a Portuguese, and of a good family, who had served five years with reputation in the East Indies, under the celebrated Albuquerque, thinking his services ill requited by the court of Portugal, banished himself from his native land, and solicited employment from the king of Spain. He was accompanied by one of his countrymen, Ruy Falero, who was esteemed to be a good astronomer and geographer. They offered to prove that the Molucca islands fell within the limits assigned by the pope to the crown of Castile, and undertook to discover a passage thither, different from the one used by the Portuguese. It is said that they first presented their plan to Emanuel, king of Portugal, who rejected it with displeasure; probably, being of opi nion that it would be prejudical to the interests of the Portuguese, who were then quietly suffered by the rest of Europe to possess exclusively the advantages of the East Indian navigation, to encourage the discovery of a new route to those seas. An enterprize of such a nature, undertaken by one of their countrymen, for the benefit of foreigners, must naturally have excited great indignation in the Portuguese; and to this sentiment may be attributed several anecdotes which the writers of that nation have related to the disadvantage of Magallanes."

The Portugneze accuse him of pecu lation; that when a large booty had been made from the Moors in Africa, he and one Alvaro Monteiro who kept the

watch, sold four hundred head of the cattle whom they had taken, back again to the Moors; and when they had been safely driven off, gave the alarm that they were stolen. The circumstances of this knavery are singular, but the crime has been common. Cortes plundered his own soldiers, and the history of prize money, from the first conquest in the West Indies to the last, seems to contradict a common adage. Ruy Falero's character has been defamed with less appearance of reason; they say he knew nothing of astrology, astronomy, or geography, and that whatever came from him upon these sciences was by the help of a familiar spirit. Ruy Falero wanted to bring the Moluccas on the Spanish side of the line of demarcation. If the devil had any thing to do with that line, it must have been that he was concerned with the Pope in drawing it; a geographical dispute may be carried on without his assistance. But whatever may have been the former crimes of Magalhaens and Falero, it is certain that in this project they acted as enemies to their own country, and the ineffaceable blot must remain upon them.

"There yet exist accounts of the navigation of Magalhanes that have not been published. In Biblioth. Pinelo de Leon, two manuscripts are mentioned under the title of Navegacion de Magallanes; one of them with the name of Duarte de Resendi, at one time governor or agent for the Portuguese at the Moluccas (Factor de las Malucas) of whom Argensola says, that he was a curious man, and that he preserved likewise the papers of Andres de San Martin."

These papers of the unfortunate astrologer, Andres de San Martin, were given by Duarte de Rezende to the historian Barros; he says that the observations were purposely falsified by Andres to favour the Spanish claim; this Circumstance was confessed by one of the crew, who died afterward on his way to India in a Portugueze vessel. Barros calls this man Bustamente, and the name appears in Herrera's list of the eighteen Europeans who returned. It is certain that Rezende wrote an ace count of the voyage and dedicated it to Barros, who was his kinsman. This manuscript, if it could be recovered, would probably be very valuable.

On the 20th of September 1519, Magalhaens sailed from San Lucar, with a squadron of five ships and 236 men; he had scarcely passed Teneriffe before his

officers began to murmur at the course he held. At Rio Janeiro they purchased provisions, &c. for slaves; it was then a cheaper market than it is now, for the natives gave six fowls for the king out of a pack of cards, and thought they had made a good bargain. It was Easter before they reached a port which they cal led San Julian, in latitude 49° 18′ south; here the commander determined to pass the winter season; his people wanted to return: the traitor is never trusted; they argued that Magalhaens wished to purchase his pardon from the king of Portu gal by destroying a Spanish fleet. Nothing could be more absurd than such a supposition, but there is no absurdity which, if it heightens fear, the fearful will not believe. The officers deeply hated their general, thinking it was a disgrace that Spaniards should be commanded by a Portugueze. The manners of Magalhaens were ill calculated to conciliate their hostile spirits, he was a resolute and even headstrong man, conscious of his natural superiority, and provoked to the full exercise of his power by the thwartings of envy and mutinous pride. Three of his captains conspired of the inferior officers and seamen, among against him; he possessed the confidence whom were several of his country, and lost no time in quelling these enemies. On board the one ship he sent a man with a letter to the captain, and a dagger to stab him while reading it; this assas sination restored his authority there. He boarded the second ship and secured the mutineers, and then the third submitted. One of the captains was hung and quartered, the other set on shore with a French priest and left there. While Magalhaens remained here, one of his ships was wrecked, in an attempt to explore the coast; the crew was however saved.

"The fleet had lain two months in Port San

Julian, without any natives having been seen. One day, when it was least expected, a man, of a gigantic figure, appeared on the beach nearest the ships. He was almost naked: he sung and danced, at the same time sprink. ling dust upon his head. A seaman was set on shore, with orders to make gestures similar to those of the Indian, intended for signals of amity, which was so well performed and comprehended, that the giant' accompanied the sky, as if to enquire whether the Spahim to the captain general. He pointed to niards had descended from above. The object which most astonished him, was his own figure in a looking-glass; at the first

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sight of which he started back so suddenly as to overturn four Spaniards who were behind him. “This man," says Pigafetta, " was so tall that our heads scarcely came up to his waist, and his voice was like that of a bull." More of the natives shewed themselves on the shore near the ships, making signs that they wished to come on board; and, says a Spanish author, greatly marvelling to see such large ships, and such little men. A boat was sent, and they were taken to the Capitana. The description given by Herrera of the size of these people, has more the appearance of truth than that given by Pigafetta. Herrera says, the least of the men was larger and taller than the stontest man of Castile They had bows and arrows, and were clothed in clokes made of the skins of some animal neatly sewed together. A kettle of pottage was made with biscuit for them, sufficient to have satisfied twenty Spaniards, which six Indians entirely eat up. When they had finished their meal, and satisfied their curiosity, they desired to go, and a boat carried them to the

shore.

"The next day, two of the natives brought some venison (which was the flesh of the animal whose skin served them for clothing). In return they received each a present of a red jacket, with which they were much pleased. The day after, one of the Indians brought more venison The same man visited them several days following. He was taught to pronounce the Lord's prayer, and at length was christened by the name of Juan Gigante."

English sailors would certainly have christened this man Little John, or rather indeed have given him the name without the ceremony. The account of this interview in Harris has many circumstances not to be found in Captain Burney; we transcribe it on this account, and also because it is an admirable specimen of narrative, such as our forefathers wrote, when, men regarded what they were to write, and not how they should write it. "At last to put an end to the solitude, a certain giant of the neighbouring parts came up to give them a visit; a brisk, jolly, frolicksome fellow, very merrily disposed, singing and dancing all the way as he came. Being got to the haven, he stood there and threw dust upon his head; which they observing sent some ashore to him, who making the like signs of peace, upon that assur ance he came along with them to the ship, without any thing of fear or scru

ple.

His bulk and stature was such as would easily allow him the character of a giant ; the head of one of their middle-sized men reached but to his waist, and he was proportionably big. His

body was formidably painted all over, especially his face; there were a couple of stags drawn, one upon each cheek, colours were otherwise mostly yellow, and great red circles about his eyes, his only his hair was done with white.

"For his apparel, he had the skin of a certain beast, clumsily sewed together; but a beast as strange as that was that wore it; every way unaccountable, nei, ther mule, horse, nor camel, but some thing of every one, the ears of the first, the tail of the second, and the shape and body of the last. 'Twas an entire suit, all of one piece from head to foot; as his breast and back were covered with it above, so his very legs and feet were wrapped up in the same beneath. The arms that he brought with him were a stout bow and arrows; the string of the former was monstrous beast, and the latter instead a gut, or sinew, of that of iron heads, were tipped with sharp stones.

"The admiral made him eat and drink, and he enjoyed himself very comfortably a shipboard, till he happened to peep in a great looking-glass that was given him among other trifles. This put him into from: the dismal face he saw there, stara fright that he could not easily recover ed him quite out of all countenance and courage, and he started back with such violence, that he tumbled a couple of the men that stood by him to the ground. This was a sign that he was thoroughly and effectually frightened; but no doubt, the thing that appeared to him, will be thought sufficient to do it, if the forego. ing description be well considered, A pair of great stags with branched horns and the flaming circles drawn about the eyes: what hobgoblin could have a worse look then this? a dæmon's face in a viz zard mask, with a set of long teeth, and a nose of half a yard, could not have more power over the imagination, and give a man a worse shock of a sudden, than such a sight."

It is remarkable that so many circumstances should appear in this account, which are not noticed in the volume be fore us, for Captain Burney is in general so excellently minute that he leaves nothing to be gleaned from his documents. Harris's narrative is "taken out of Anthony Pigafetta," of course either from the abridged translation made by order of Louisa of Savoy, or from the version in Ramusio. The present author has followed the copy lately discovered

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The conduct of the Spaniards to these unoffending people was truly abominable. "They filled their hands with toys and little things that pleased them, and in the mean-time put iron shackles upon their legs, which the wretches thought were very fine play-things as well as the rest, and were pleased with the jingling sound of them, till they found how they were hampered and betrayed." Pigafetta says they worshipped the devil; the Pata gonians had more reason to say the same of their visitors, judging them by their works.

Toward the latter end of October they came to the Cape called De las Virgines, in honour of the eleven thousand companions of Saint Ursula, on whose festival they had discovered it. On examining the strait, little doubt remained that it would lead them to the South Sea; but it appeared on enquiry that they had only provisions enough for three months left: upon this Magalhaens summoned a council. One of his pilots voted for returning to Spain, the majority were for proceeding, and the commander himself affirmed, that, were it even certain they should be reduced to the necessity of eating the hides that were on the ships yards, his determination was to proceed and make good his promises to the emperor. He then gave orders that no one, on pain of death, should speak of returning, or of the shortness of provi

sions.

The account given by Joam de Barros differs materially from this. Captain Burney has not noticed it; it is however drawn from such documents as entitles it to credit. He says, that, after one of the ships had deserted (an event which the other histories represent as subsequent to the council), Magalhaens, knowing that the greater part of his people were hostile to him and his plans, was exceedingly perplexed. For his own justification he was obliged to ask

the opinion of his officers, and yet feared to call a council, lest they should break out into mutiny. He therefore sent a written paper to the two other ships, requiring the written opinion of the officers in reply. Barros affirms that he had a book in his possession, in which Andres de San Martin, the astrologer and cosmographer of the voyage, had entered this paper and his own reply to it. and he gives both at length. In this Magalhaens says, that he is a man who never rejected advice, though since the mutiny at Port San Julian they had all been afraid to declare their opinions; that he knew they thought it wrong to proceed, but he commanded them in the name of the emperor, and by virtue of his own authority, each to give him his written opinion whether to advance or return, and the reasons for such conclu sion. San Martin in his answer advises the commander to go on till the middle of January, for though he himself doubts whether they should find a passage to India through that strait, still they were bound to examine it. After that time he thought they should return, because of the terribleness and tempestuousness (terribilidade e tempestuosidade) of the seasons, the sickly condition of the crew, and the scarcity of food. Andres also recommends that during the five hours of darkness they should lie to, for the sake of avoiding danger and of giving the men some rest. These papers are dated November 22. On the 27th they found themselves in an open sea, and Magal haens is said to have wept for joy at the discovery.

The adventurers now suffered dreadfully in their voyage. Magalhaens was reduced to that extremity of hunger which he had declared himself ready to endure; they actually were compelled to eat the leather from off the rigging, to swallow saw-dust, and to mix sea water with their fresh. Twenty men died of the scurvy. Happily the weather continued so uniformly mild that they gave the sea its appellation of the Pacific: for it appears peculiarly unfortunate, that in cros sing so large an expanse of sea, in which so many fruitful islands are numerously scattered, they should see only two soli tary and desert islands, so destitute of any thing to relieve them, that they nam ed them Las Desventuradas, the Unfor tunate. Captain Burney conceives that they passed very near Otaheite.

On the sixth of March they came in

sight of the Ladrones, so named by them on account of the thievish disposition of the inhabitants. When the Spaniards landed to chastise them, the sick requested, if any of them should be killed, to have their intestines, which they were persuaded would cure them in a short time. Pigafetta, who records this circumstance, has not explained how the medicine was to have been administered. It may perhaps be elucidated by a fact repeatedly mentioned in Bernal Diaz. The wounded Spaniards in Mexico for want of oil, used to melt the fat of the Indians and cauterize their wounds therewith. Boiling oil was the remedy for gun shot wounds, at a much later period, upon the hypothesis that it killed the venom of the wound. It is probable that the Spaniards with Magalhaens designed to apply the same medicine to their scorbutic sores. Why human fat should have been preferred to any other animal grease does not immediately appear, but that the preference was given to it is evident from the facts in Bernal Diaz.

They next reached the archipelago of St. Lazarus, now called the Philippines. Here the inhabitants appear to have united the customs of Hindostan and the South Sea Islands, chewing betel and areca, and tattowing their bodies. Several of the Indian languages were understood at Mazagua, believed to be the island marked Limasava in some of the present charts. A Sumatran slave on board was able to interpret. The Rajah is said to have had each tooth ornamented with three spots of gold. To impress him and his people with a dread of European superiority, a Spaniard in complete armour made his appearance, who sustained the attack of three men, their swords and daggers not making the slightest impression. From hence Magalhaens sailed to Zebu, where with little difficulty he converted the king and

queen.

"The new christians were regular in their attendance at the chapel, and the numher of proselytes daily increased by the arrival of people from other parts of the island, as well as from other islands, who desired to be baptized Magalhanes was careful to explain to the King of Zebu, if not the duties required, the many benefits that would accrue to him in becoming a christian; one amongst which, he assured him, would be the power of vanquishing with ease his enemies. The desire of possering such an ad

vantage, a motive very distant indeed from the spirit of christianity, appears to have been a strong inducement with the king to attach himself with zeal to a religion he was so little able to comprehend. Trusting to the promises of Magalhanes, that he should be rendered the most powerful among the princes of the islands, he acknowledged himself to be a vassal of the crown of Spain. The general, to prove to him the value of the friendship of the Spaniards, and how much it was his interest to continue firm in his allegiance, summoned a meeting of the other chiefs, four of whom attended. These to the new christian king as their sovereign, were required formally to submit themselves and threatened that their refusal to obey him as such, would be punished with death, and confiscation of their possessions. This menace drew from all the chiefs the promise demanded of obedience, and a full acknowledgment of the authority of the christian king. But two of the chiefs, as soon as they mand. Against one of these the general were more at liberty, made light of the com

went with two boats and forty of his men :

and coming up with him in the middle of the night, plundered and burnt one of his villages, and set up a cross there."

This spirit of aggression found its merited reward. Magalhaens sent to the king of Matan, a little island near Zebu, to claim tribute for the emperor, and submission to his friend the christian king. The chief of Matan being a brave man, replied that he desired to be on good terms with the strangers, and sent them a present of provisions that he might not be accounted inhospitable; but as to obedience and tribute, he could

owe none to those of whom he had never

before heard, neither would he submit to do reverence to those he had long been accustomed to command. Magal haens, notwithstanding the dissuasions of the king of Zebu, and of Serrano one of his own officers, determined to go and He landed punish this contumacy. with about fifty men, being so fully persuaded that no number of Indians could withstand that European force, that he ordered the christian king to remain quietly with his people in their boats, and see how the Spaniards fought. A kind of missive battle took place during the greater part of the day, till

At length, the ammunition of the Spaniards began to fail, and their fire slackened, which being observed by the islanders, they pressed on, and Magalhanes found it necessary to order a retreat. The christian king, during the whole of this time, had paid the most exact obedience to the commands he had re

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