TURKISH MANNERS AND OPINIONS.-BY M. PALEOLOGUS.* In spite of the endeavours of some writers, who represent the Turkish Government as a model of perfection, and who seem to insinuate, that they would esteem it happiness to live under Musulman institutions, we may be permitted to think, that every thing is not quite faultless in the country of the Janissaries and Imams. If with us justice is slow in its administration, every one will allow that there it is rather too summary. Literature still enjoys considerable freedom in Europe; in Turkey, there are few presses, fewer books, and, above all, no philosophers. There is some hardship, it is true, in the summary punishment even of European states, but at Constantinople a sack and the sea is the asylum of the unfortunate. Opposition to the sovereign will is practised with much greater impunity in Europe than at the Court of the Grand Signor. If any of our readers should feel disposed to adopt contrary opinions, we earnestly recommend them to read M. Paleologus's dialogues on the manners of the Osmanlies. M. Paleologus is more competent than any one else to treat on this subject: he was born at Constantinople, and has always lived amongst the people whose character he pourtrays. He is an ocular and auricular witness of what he describes, and moreover a man of talent. His dialogues, to the number of twenty, are now before the public. They represent every class of society, each speaking the language natural to it, and exhibiting, free from all disguise, their passions, habits, and prejudices. The author designedly introduces into the speeches of his interlocutors numerous proverbs, with which the conversation of the Osmanlies abounds; every class of this population is furnished with those peculiar to itself. Thus, whilst the people with terror repeat that, in order to preserve tranquillity, it is absolutely necessary to be blind, deaf, and dumb;' the heir presumptive to the crown, brought up in dissimulation, frequently pronounces these characteristic words, 'We must kiss the hand we cannot wound.' Nothing can be more instructive than the picture of the education of a young Sultan; shut up in the seraglio, under the eye of a suspicious and always discontented favourite, he learns from infancy to disguise his thoughts and sentiments, and to lay plots of every description; the ferocity of his mother awakens in his young heart a similar passion. Why cannot I, my beloved son, this instant see thee mounted on the throne?-Thou wilt, I am con * See an account of this work in The Oriental Herald,' vol. 14, p. 64. doubt change.' vinced, on that happy occasion, grant me a dozen heads; wilt thou not, caplaneur ? (my tiger)." How can I possibly refuse my honoured mother such a trifle! I will immediately deliver over to you a hundred; it will only be my week's allowance.' 'A hardened heart, and perfect sang-froid, are absolutely necessary, in order to reign well. Your heart is, I fear, rather weak, but that will no 'Thanks to you, my mother, I can correct that.' • Without doubt: situation forms the man. Above all, my son, I advise you to chastise the Russians, as well as all the other petty krals (kings), whom thy father's weakness, as well as that of thy other ancestors, has rendered so insolent and overbearing.' 'That is precisely my project.' 'Exterminate all these presumptuous wretches, and remain sole master of the whole world; there is but one God in heaven, there should be but one king on earth.' The fourteenth dialogue, in which the speakers are a doctor and an artisan, and the subject of their discourse, public affairs, and the reforms of the Sultan Mahmoud, is not the least curious of the collection. They figure to themselves the desolation, the fury of the Janissaries, compelled to renounce their former habits of plunder, and to bow to the discipline of Europe. Religion is lost,' they exclaim; 'let us examine whether they have washed our hands and our heads, if our garments are free from dust; if not, there is an end to Islamism!' They then speak of the revolt of the Greeks, and the assistance afforded them by the Kings of Europe. 'Happily,' adds one of the speakers, the Grand Vizier of one of these Krals, that of the Nemchis, (Austrians) warns us of all our danger; although an infidel to all appearance, he is said to be a thorough Musulman at heart.' Another observes, 'We must not believe this minister to be sincere, The thoughts of the fox are not easy to divine.' 'What does it signify?' replies the doctor, 'when we no longer have occasion for him, we shall know how to get rid of him. The common end of the fox, is the shop of the furrier.' It is thus that the hopes and fears of the Osmanlies are expressed in proverbs. Another dialogue on the same subject is given, between the Grand Vizier and the Reis Effendi, (the Minister for Foreign Affairs,) which is treated with more gravity. Two statesmen hold a conversation on the proclamation, in which the Powers have announced their mediation between the Porte and the Hellenes. The utmost contempt for the Christians reigns throughout their discourse. The Reis Effendi proposes dissimulation to the Vizier. 'Feign to cede,' says he, and when the Greeks have laid down their arms, and the Europeans have retired, fall on them suddenly, and you will exterminate them; they will at first cry out against this, but every thing will soon be quieted again: The dog barks, but the caravan passes on.' The Reis Effendi then declares, that the Allies are very little touched by the interests of the Greeks; that it is only to spite the Turks, that they have taken up their defence; that all the boast of their pretended feeling for the sufferings of their fellow-Christians, is the mere work of book-makers and newspaper scribblers. The Grand Vizier then expresses his astonishment that Governments should lend an ear to such babbling. Oh! that I were but Grand Vizier, for one single day, among these Franks; it would suffice to bring them back to reason. A hundred djillads (executioners) would soon settle the business, I assure you.' We have only ventured to cite a very small portion of M. Paleologus's work, and it appeared to us advisable to select those dialogues which bore some reference to the affairs of the moment. Had we analysed those which treat on the private manners, customs, and opinions of the Osmanlies, what abundant quotations might we have made! The author paints with energy, the vices of the Mussulman clergy, from the Imam down to the mendicant dervish. It is Spain under another name; all the vices of the clergy are united in the person of the dervish; he alone, without a single obstacle, works on the gross credulity of the people. He lives on the public ig norance. M. Paleologus is not less powerful in his description of the Janissaries, living at the expense of the unfortunate, and anticipating with anxiety plague or fire, in order to profit by the spoils. The whole work is highly deserving of attention. SONNET TO THE MEMORY OF JOHN KEATS, LIKE to the tinkling of the pilgrim rills, THOMAS M***s. ARBITRARY PROCEEEINGS AT BOMBAY, AND SPECIMENS OF INDIAN LEGISLATION. OUR readers are aware that the Calcutta Government have lately, with the sanction of the Court of Directors, and the approbation of the Board of Control, passed some Stamp Regulations, for Bengal. After they had been passed several months, the Government found that the regulations for the collection of these stamp duties could not be enforced, unless they were first registered in the Supreme Court. A motion was accordingly made to the Supreme Court, and, after long argument by Counsel, employed by the inhabitants of Calcutta, the Court decided upon registering these Regulations. The Judges gave written judgments, which were originally inserted in The Government Gazette,' and have been since re-published in "The Oriental Herald;' and from those judgments it appears that the Court were unanimously of opinion that, though the taxes or or duties might be imposed by the local authorities, as directed by the 53d G. III. c. 155, s. 98, nevertheless, the regulations for their enforcement, under the 99th section, must, equally with all other regulations which affect persons within the jurisdiction of the King's Court, be first registered in those Courts. This unanimous judgment of the Supreme Court of Calcutta appeared in the Calcutta 'Government Gazette,' on the 30th July, 1827, and reached Bombay on the 31st August, in the same year. On the 29th of the same month, (August,) the Governor, in council, of Bombay published a regulation (of which a copy has been sent to us) for the collection of duties; namely, 19, 20, and 21, of 1827, passed on the 1st January preceding; and another regulation, (28,) dated the 1st August; in which the dates are fixed, from which all the new regulations are to take effect; namely, the 1st September and the 1st November following. Thus, notwithstanding the proceeding by the Calcutta Government, in applying to the Supreme Court there to register the regulations; notwithstanding the unanimous judgment of the Supreme Court there, of the necessity of such registration; the Bombay Government passed these regulations, and fixed the time for their enforcement, without any registration in the Supreme Court of their Presidency. This, however, is not the most extraordinary part of the conduct of the Bombay Government, respecting these regulations. By the same 99th section, the mode of enforcing fines, penalties, and forfeitures, for the non-payment of such duties or taxes, and for the breach of the regulations, is pointed out; namely, by indictment, information, or suit in the Supreme Court. Having committed one breach of the law, by ordering the above regulations to be enforced, without previous registry, in the Supreme Court, the Government of Bombay, in order to make this effectual, commit another and more flagrant breach. They altogether put aside the Supreme Court's jurisdiction, and, of themselves, erect another jurisdiction in their own servants, for the recovery of the penalties and the taxes or duties. By section 3, clause 2, Regulation 19, the collector's decision is to be final, unless suspended by the decree of the revenue Judge. By section 4, clause 1, the collector may, twenty days after demand of payment of the revenue due, levy the same, by distress and sale of the defaulter's property; and, if the property be not sufficient, he may apprehend, and confine the defaulter in jail; and the collector's certificate is to be the sheriff's warrant, equally with the usual legal process, in ordinary cases of arrest in execution of judgment for debt. By section 7, the revenue Judge is to decide all suits against the collector, or any person on his establishment, &c. The same section, clause 2, says, the revenue Judge shall possess the same powers aš if he were conducting a criminal investigation, as senior Magistrate of the Police. By section 8, the decree of the revenue Judge is made appeala ble to the Sudder Adawlut, that is, one of the Company's courts. These provisions relate to the land revenue; and they are repeated, when applied to other duties, by section 14 of the same Regulation; and the same enactments run throughout the Regulations, ousting the Supreme Court's jurisdiction, and erecting a tribunal of their own, for the punishment even of British subjects. That such proceeding is utterly illegal, is not only clear, but well known to the Bombay Government itself, not only from the statute, which points out the tribunal before which fines, penalties, and forfeitures, and duties, and taxes, are to be recovered, (namely, the Supreme Court,) but from its being actually stated by the Judges of the Supreme Court, at Calcutta, that they must all be recovered before the Supreme Court; and which judgments excited so much attention, that they were inserted in all the Calcutta Papers, and read and talked about by every one in India. The Chief Justice, Sir Charles Grey, says, I do not find any thing which is repugnant to law, nor do I think that it will in effect be oppressive to the inhabitants of Calcutta, considering that it must be enforced by pro-. ceedings in this Court." The Bombay Government, therefore, cannot say that it was from ignorance, however much of it we may give them credit for, that they have erected a new Court within the jurisdiction of, and in opposition to, the Supreme Court at that Presidency. But this is not all. It is well known that the spirit and letter of the whole of legislation for British India, is, that British subjects shall not be amenable to the Courts of a mercantile company, but to those alone of the King; and though this principle may be said |