The Boston port bill, in June 1774, produced a powerful impression on Virginia; and immediately determined the leading members of the Legislature of that colony to take a decided stand by the side of Massachusetts. Mr. Jefferson relates this incident in terms too remarkable to be overlooked; he says: The lead in the House, on these subjects, being no longer left to the old members, Mr. Henry, R. H. Lee, Fr. L. Lee, three or four other members, whom I do not recollect, and myself, agreeing that we must boldly take an unequivocal stand in the line of Massachusetts, determined to meet and consult on the per measures, in the council chamber, for the benefit of the library in that room. We were under conviction of the necessity of rousing our people from the lethargy into which they had fallen, as to passing events; and thought that the appointment of a day of general fasting and prayer, would be most likely to call up and alarm their attention. No example of such a solemnity had existed since the days of our distresses in the war of '55, since which a new genera

pro

tion had grown up. With the help, therefore, of Rush

worth, whom we rummaged over for the revolutionary precedents and forms of the Puritans of that day, preserved by him, we cooked up a resolution, somewhat moderating their phrases, for appointing the 1st day of June, on which the port bill was to commence, for a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer; to implore heaven to avert from us the evils of civil war, to inspire us with firmness in the support of our rights, and to turn the hearts of the King and Parliament to moderation and justice."

It will be seen, from this account, that Mr. Jefferson was active and prominent among the first who took a stand against the encroachments of the crown; and exerted himself to the utmost to stimulate his countrymen to a firm, manly and independent resistance, in the approaching struggle of right against power.

This

The next important measure, adopted at the same time, was one recommending the counties to elect delegates to meet in August, to appoint DELEGATES TO A GENERAL CONGRESS, should that projoct be deemed eligible. measure being acceded to, delegates were accordingly chosen to meet in convention; and Mr. Jefferson, among others, being elected, prepared a draught of instructions to be given to the delegates to be chosen to Congress.

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These instructions were afterwards printed in a pamphlet, under the title of A Summary View of the Rights of British America;' containing a lucid and powerful exposition of the real political relations, founded in principle, reason and nature, between the colonies and the mother country. This paper was addressed to the King, and breathed a spirit of liberty and daring, which, while it startled the timid, inspired confidence in the bold and resolution in the brave. Mr. Burke afterwards adapted it to the atmosphere of London, to answer the ends of the opposition there; and it passed very rapidly through several editions. It was on account of this pamphlet, that Mr. Jefferson's name was included in a list of proscriptions by the ministry, at the same time that he was threatened with a prosecution for treason, by Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of the province.

Mr. Jefferson, though he had not been appointed a delegate to the first Congress, that met at Philadelphia, yet he was not inactive in the Legislature, in 1775; where, at the suggestion of Peyton Randolph, he drew up the answer of the General Assembly of Virginia, to the conciliatory propositions of Lord North; which, for its independent spirit, and bold tone, struck some of the moderate men, if not with horror, at least with amazement; but, as Jefferson says, it finally passed the House with long and doubtful scruples from Mr. Nicholas and James Mercer, and a dash of cold water on it here and there, enfeebling it somewhat, but finally with unanimity, or a vote approaching to it.' This being passed, continues Mr. Jefferson, I repaired immediately to Philadelphia, and conveyed to Congress the first notice they had of it. It was entirely approved there. I took my seat with them on the 21st of June.'

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A committee being appointed by Congress, on the 22d of July, to consider and report on Lord North's conciliatory resolution, Mr. Jefferson was appointed, conjointly with Doctor Franklin, Mr. Adams and R. H. Lee. At the request of the committee, Mr. Jefferson undertook to prepare the report, and it could not have fallen into more able and efficient hands; for such were the spirits that engendered rebellion, dashed on to revolution and achieved independence. It was fortunate for the country and the cause, that we had Jefferson to move in the cabinet, and Washington to organize the field!

That momentous event, the Declaration of Independence, was now approaching its birth-day; the Convention of Virginia having, on the 15th of May, 1776, instructed their delegates in Congress to declare the colonies independent of Great Britain; for which purpose they appointed a committee to prepare a declaration of rights and plan of government.

In pursuance of these instructions, the Virginia delegates, on the 7th of June, 1776, moved, that the Congress should declare that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE and INDEPENDENT STATES, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, TOTALLY DISSOLVED; that measures should be immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a confederation be formed to bind the colonies more closely together."

This proposition was deferred to the succeeding day, the 8th of June, when it was taken up and referred to a committee of the whole House, who consumed that day, and the following Monday, in debate upon the resolutions. In the course of this discussion the right of the colonies to independence was not controverted; but the policy of issuing a declaration of the kind, at that period, was considered by some rather dubious; among other reasons, because the middle States, more cautious and circumspect than those of the North and South, had not instructed their delegates to vote for such an extremity; which induced the Congress to postpone their final vote on the question to the 1st of July, in order to give time for the colonies of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland and South Carolina, to mature their disposition to come heartily into the measure, on the expediency of which they were not yet fully satisfied. In the interim, however, a committee was appointed to prepare this solemn and important state paper, consisting of Mr. Jefferson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman and Robert R. Livingston. At the request of the committee, Mr. Jefferson consented to draught this momentous and interesting document. Having completed the Declaration of American Independence, he submitted it to the committee, by whom it was approved, and not less applauded than approved; and he accordingly reported it to the House on the 28th of June, when it was read, and ordered to lie on the table.

It cannot be doubted, that on this occasion, Mr. Jefferson felt all the solicitude which the solemn import of the instrument was reasonably calculated to inspire; as a step which was to usher into being a doubtful civil war a bloody and uncertain revolution, and finally give birth to an empire, which was to change the face of the civilized world; convulse the monarchies of Europe; invert the obligations between kings and people; dissolve the ancient foundations of government, and create a NEW EMPIRE out of the chaos produced by tyranny against the rights of man. Property and life were to be perilled, peace and abundance to be sacrificed, toil and danger to be endured; and it was all. cheerfully done; the sacrifice was placed upon the altar of liberty, the fire was kindled, the smoke gathered in dark and lurid clouds, the flames ascended even to the heavens, but the offering was an acceptable one, the God of nations smiled upon the sacrifice, and America became free, happy and independent.

On the 4th of July, the debates upon this important question having closed, the Declaration of Independence was adopted and signed by every member present, EXCEPT Mr. DICKINSON. In reference to the debates on this occasion, Mr. Jefferson observes The pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many. For this reason, those passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out, lest they should give them offence. The clause too, reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to continue it. Our northern brethren also, I believe, felt å little tender under the censures; for though their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others. The debates having taken up the greater parts of the second, third and fourth days of July, were, on the evening of the last period, closed."

Congress, on the 12th of July, entered into the discussion of a great question, second in importance only to the Declaration of Independence; this was the adoption of articles of confederation between the thirteen United States. The debate on these articles extended to a period of two years; and were only ratified in 1778, by ten States. On the 26th of November eleven States concurred in them;

and on the 23d February, 1779, Delaware also received them; but it was not until March 1, 1781, that Maryland gave in her adhesion to the confederacy.

What part Jefferson took in this measure I have not been able to discover; and suspect it to have been both less prominent and less ardent than that on the Declaration of Independence; not because he considered it of inferior moment, but because the mind naturally relaxes and flags after great exertion, or unusual labour and excitement; or that others jealous of his prominence, were now ambitious of taking their part in the great work of self-government.

The new government of Virginia being now organised, Mr. Jefferson determined to resign his seat in Congress, having been elected by his county to the new Legislature of his native State, to be held in October. On this subject he remarks, "I knew that our legislation, under the regal government, had many very vicious points which urgently required reformation, and I thought I could be of more use in forwarding that work. I therefore retired from my seat in Congress on the 2d of September, resigned it, and took my place in the Legislature of my state on the 7th of October."

JEFFERSON now commenced his labours in the Legislature of Virginia, as the champion of reform and the apostle of liberty. He there drew a bill for the organization of the courts of justice, of great importance, which was approved by the committee, and finally passed into a law.

But the most eventful, memorable and republican act of his whole life, was now to be performed; and not to do injustice to which, I must detail in his own language. "On the 12th, I obtained leave to bring in a bill declaring tenants in tail to hold their lands in fee simple. In the earlier times of the colony, when lands were to be obtained for little or nothing, some provident individuals procured large grants; and desirous of founding great families for themselves, settled them on their descendants in fee tail. transmission of this property from generation to generation, in the same name, raised up a DISTINCT SET OF FAMILIES, who being privileged by law in the perpetuation of their wealth, were thus formed into a patrician order, distinguished by the splendour and luxury of their establishments. From this order, too, the King habitually selected his counsellors of state; the hope of which distinction de

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