SENATE.]

Foreign Intercourse--Colonial Trade.

[APRIL 3, 1832.

a few lines, saying that he will lay the proposition before The residue of April passes by-no answer: May-no the King. The month of December passes by-no an- answer: June-no answer: July comes, but with it no re swer is received: January--no answer: February-no ply. And then Mr. McLane, having received the act of answer: March comes, but no answer with it; and in this May preceding, seeks a verbal conference, in which its state of cold and haughty neglect, what does our minister? provisions are discussed, and Lord Aberdeen's objections He writes a long, supplicatory epistle of nearly twenty obviated by explanations and construction. He requires, closely printed pages, in which he is seen "praying for however, a communication in writing, and our minister a decision." 66 Again solicits--begs to suggest," recites makes it under date of the 12th of July; in which he chahis former offer in the following humble tone: racterizes the act as conceding all the power, &c., as be"The proposition which the undersigned has already fore stated, and says that it has been framed without any had the honor to submit, namely, that the United States pledge, prospective or otherwise, froin Great Britain. ⚫ should do now that which they might have done in 1825 Thus confessing that he had obtained not one word of '-rescind the measures which may be alleged to have promise by all his solicitations. He repeats his deep in'contributed to the present evil, and repeal the laws terest," and "renewed hope;" speaks of the "grace" of ⚫ which have been matter of complaint; and that England a prompt and frank reply, and of "the duty of his Ma 'should assent now to a measure which, but a few years jesty's Government to quiet the public expectations, and since, she herself proposed." to mitigate, as far as may be in its power, the injurious

"Of the character and effect of the recent measure of the American Congress, Mr. McLane observes, that 'it 'concedes in its terms all the power in the regulation of 'the colonial trade, and authorizes the President to confer on British subjects all those privileges, as well in the 'circuitous as the direct voyage, which Great Britain has at any time demanded or desired.'

"In this declaration the undersigned is happy to ob serve the same spirit and disposition which dictated Mr. McLane's former communications, wherein he an'nounced the readiness and desire of the American Government to comply with the conditions of the act of 'Parliament of 1826;' and, also, that the claims advanced in justification of the omission of the United States to 'embrace the offers of this country have been abandoned by those who urged them, and have received no sanction from the people of the United States."

Not content with this, he introduces to the English Go-effects upon the United States, of an unfavorable reply." vernment the distinction of parties in this country, admits On the 17th of August, Lord Aberdeen designs to re"the failure of the past administration to comply" with spond. Passing over the previous communications of the act of 1825, and that, "whether it be a subject more Mr. McLane, he comes to that of July, as containing of regret or censure, it ought to be enough that the more satisfactory propositions; and most provokingly reclaims, advanced in justification of it, have since been peats certain parts of the language of our minister, thusabandoned by those who made them."--Regret or censure" from whom-the British?--Enough, for what?-atonement to Great Britain? He asks to be "excused" "in making this his last application for an early decision." He admits "the injurious effects of the existing regulations upon the commercial and navigating enterprise of the people of the United States"--that his hopes rest, "not so much upon the expectation of peculiar favor to the United States, as of a liberal compliance of his Majesty's Government with its own regulations." Peculiar favor!" liberal compliance!"--to relieve our commmerce and navigation, in which her statesmen proclaim us their "most formidable rival." He "begs to observe," and "begs leave further to observe," and, in conclusion, exhibits himself in the attitude of "repeating for the last time”—(again!)--"his deep solicitude for the result;" and "most earnestly recalling the attention of his Majesty's ministers." That "should this point be unfavorably dec.dCan any American read such language from a foreigner, ed, the United States, while disappointed in its cherished but with indignant feelings? Would it be tolerated were hopes, would find nothing conciliating in the retrospect it not the mere echo of the words of our own agent? of a long course of fruitless negotiation, and nothing cheering in the future prospect, darkened, as it would be, by a possibility of a recurrence by the two nations to that system of countervailing measures which has already proved so detrimental to their harmony and welfare!" Had England's monarch his foot upon our neck? Were we begging for life? At the darkest periods of our revolutionary contest-in the gloomiest moments of the last war-was there ever such supplications for relief--such sombre pictures of the future? No. If there had been, we should not speedily have been cheered by the beams of glory and of peace.

Was the language of that British envoy, Copenhagen-Jack son, for which our Government repelled all further intercourse with him, so insulting as this?

Lord Aberdeen proceeds, there are passages in the bill "in which it seems at least doubtful whether the practi cal construction" would be such as Mr. McLane is ready to affix. He then distinctly recapitulates all the expla nations, or, as I deem some of them, modifications, of the act, which had been previously agreed upon, and in con clusion declares-what? That the ports are open, the order in council rescinded, or that it will be done forth with? Oh no. We must open our ports first. We will And what was the response to all this "deep solicitude,' not trust our envoy--the President must give a previous this prostration, this "renewed solicitation," begging, and practical construction, by issuing his proclamation. And entreating of his Britannic Majesty? Not one word! he did so. Lord Aberdeen seems to have practised the Utter silence, supercilious coldness, and haughty neg. Jealousy and caution of the Yorkshire servant, in the lect. How does our minister meet such contumelious farce, who, being flattered, solicited, and urged, by a treatment of this his last earnest and pathetic appeal? He hungry man, for a meal, replies, "Either I mun trust you goes to the Foreign Office," to renew again his solicita- for t'inoney, or you mun trust me for t' breakfast. Now, tions. On the 6th of April following, he says, "I have as you seem to be vastly taken wi' me, an' I aʼnt at all had a conference with Lord Aberdeen to-day, which I taken wi' you, you'd better gi' me t' money, you see, an' sought for the purpose of urging the definitive answer trust me for t' breakfast."

to my proposition." He then speaks of "previous con- The concluding congratulatory epistle of Mr. Van Bu ferences," and expectations; and adds-ren to Mr. McLane, communicating the President's pro"I have not failed to represent to him the very serious clamation, closes the scene as an appropriate epilogue, a injury and embarrassment which must result from delay-suitable finale.

ing the answer until the Congress shall rise, and of what I After all this neglect, hauteur, superciliousness, and fear may be the insuperable difficulties of any prospective grasping, overreaching selfishness on their part, in relegislation with a view to a future arrangement. None of turn for solicitation, humiliation, and prodigal concession these efforts have yet proved sufficient to bring the answer." on ours; after placing an act of the American Congress

APRIL 4, 5, 1832.]

OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS.

Revolutionary Pensions.

706

[SENATE.

at the foot of a British minister, to be trampled upon to use the language of demand-he says: "I distinctly and violated, our own envoy is instructed to express to required that the bill should be conformed to the terms that Government the "great satisfaction" the "President and spirit of the agreement concluded with Lord Aber'has derived from the candor and liberality which have deen. But the British answered, "that there was a re

'characterized the conduct of his Majesty's ministers servation in respect to the schedule of duties annexed to throughout the negotiation, and particularly in not suf- the act of 1825." This was conclusive. It admitted of

fering the inadvertencies of our legislation, attributable no replication. The bill was not changed. It became a

to the haste and confusion of the closing scenes of the law. It has been submitted to in silence by our Executive, 'session, to defeat and delay the adjustment," &c. &c. And subsequently, after the "pleasing duty" of com- ments. Not only submitted to; but in December last, upon and the trade is now subjected to all its injurious enactmunicating to Mr. McLane the President's "entire satis- the assembling of this Congress, the President of the faction," Mr. Van Buren concludes by saying, "I beg United States transmitted his annual message, purporting leave to add the expression of my own unqualified ap- to give information of the condition of our country and its probation of all your acts since the commencement of important interests. He had then before him all these your mission.” Mr. President, to what primary cause can be ascribed negotiator-the protestation against this objectional princommunications of his favorite Secretary, and approved these disastrous results? trace these waters of bitterness? Whence this infatuation, bill-the unequivocal confession that it was destructive of To what fountains shall we ciple--the distinct requisition of a modification of the this suicidal delusion, which seems to have controlled the all equality in trade, and the obnoxious and denounced councils of the nation? It is the demon of party, which bill itself. Did he send them to us? Did he let us know now for the first time has crossed the Atlantic, to present of their existence? No, sir; but, on the contrary, referour domestic divisions to a foreign court. A clamor in relation to the colonial trade had been been productive of mutual good feeling and amicable rering to "arrangements with Great Britain, which had raised against the late administration as one of the means lations between the two countries," he told of driving them from power; and their successors, to give these arrangements is that relating to the colonial trade, some color of a redemption of previous promises for poli- which was communicated to Congress at the last session; us, "one of tical ends, deemed it necessary that at any rate some- and although the short period during which it has been in thing should be done, to be trumpeted by partisans. force will not enable me to form an accurate judgment Even the President has said that one of the reasons of its operation, there is every reason to believe that which stimulated his negotiation, in answer to a resolution it will prove highly beneficial." which I had some time since the honor to introduce upon this subject, was the "influence it was believed to have Chief Magistrate of this republican country has thus been I make no commentary upon the attitude in which the had in the elections which terminated in the change of placed by those who influence his counsels. administration." It is fabled that the wild horse in his native freedom deliberate judgment of the Senate. I have discharged as I do the whole subject, to the calm consideration and I leave it, sought the aid of man against his opponent, the stag: he my duty to my constituents and the country. I have done submitted to the bit and the saddle, the stag was hunted no more--I meant to do no less. down, but the man was forever seated upon his back. This administration has already felt the spur and the into error, I have the satisfaction to know that the means deavored to be correct. I have studiously enreins of the rider, and endeavored, but in vain, to dis-of correction are accessible to every member, and that they If, in any respect, I have fallen mount him. This their condition is fully exhibited in will be zealously and ably improved. their correspondence, just now received, in answer to a resolution of the Senate. first time, since I began to address you. It has seen the light for the that when the grateful and congratulatory epistle of our We there learn, Secretary of State had but just reached the British shores, while yet the trumpet of triumph and the pæans of praise were resounding through the land, our envoy was raising his voice in alarm and protestation against the injurious exercise of the very power which he had just conceded. The British order in council was issued on the 6th of November, 1830; and before the expiration of the same was a bill which had been lying on the table of the SeMr. FOOT rose, and suggested to the Senate that there month, our minister is seen endeavoring, by a long and nate for a great length of time, and to which he had made elaborate communication, to arrest the progress of a bill repeated efforts to draw the attention of that body. It in Parliament for regulating colonial duties. He espe- is a bill which stands No. 1 on the docket of the Senate, cially and earnestly protested against that principle of but which he had hitherto failed in all his efforts to bring the bill which discriminated between imposts in the di- under consideration. rect and circuitous routes in order to favor British navi- a greater interest in the fate of this bill, than in that of gation. His complaints were unheeded. There are many citizens who feel was not then consummated, by reason of a change of mi- Senate. The measure many of the public questions which are now before the nistry; but he was informed that one of similar character plementary to the act for the relief of the surviving The bill to which he referred, was the bill supwould be perfected at the next Parliament. It was so. officers and soldiers of the revolutionary army. It passed on the 22d of April, 1831. It involves the same objectionable principle, against which our negotiator pro- be taken up at this late period of the session, and when Mr. HAYNE expressed a hope that the bill would not tested in the November preceding, and in which he was so many other important subjects are inviting the attensubsequently instructed to persevere, by the Secretary tion of the Senate. Among the reasons which should

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 4.

The Senate spent this day's sitting principally in the consideration of executive business.

THURSDAY, APRIL 5.

REVOLUTIONARY PENSIONS.

of State. Indeed, it carried that principle still further in weigh with gentlemen to refuse this motion, he stated
practical extent, by making the discriminations in favor that, as a bill on this subject is now before the other House,
of the indirect voyage greater than the former bill. the discussion of the bill now referred to would be a mere
Against this, too, Mr. McLane protested in vain, as con- waste of the time of the Senate. Another reason was,
trary to his expectation under the arrangement. He de- that a gentleman from Virginia, not now in his seat, but
be predicated of its provisions."
equality in any part of the trade could unavoidably called home for a few days, was very desir-
He even began at last ous to be heard whenever this bill should be called up,

clared that "no

VOL. VIII.-45

707

SENATE.]

GALES & SEATON'S REGISTER

Apportionment Bill.-Revolutionary Pensions.

[APRIL 5, 1832.

The same

were designated as State troops, regular troops, volunand had requested him to procure a postponement of the all classes who had been subjected to risk, whether they discussion until his return. Mr. FOOT said that if he could extend courtesy, on teers, militia, or any others who had been draughted, and any subject, to any member of the Senate, he would be had served for nine months during the war. disposed to do it in this case; but he felt that he was now subject had been discussed in committee, and it was incalled on by an imperative sense of duty to call up this tended to embrace the class of men designated by the Mr. WILKINS rejoined, that if such was the intention bill, and he could only refer to this as his apology for re- Senator from Pennsylvania. The pressure on him fusing courtesy in this instance. from this class of persons, whose claims ought to be taken of the committee, there could be no objection in making Mr. MARCY moved to amend the amendment by inup, was exceedingly great. This bill had been already the intention more definite. postponed several times, in consequence of the absence

of Senators, and he could not consent to any further post-serting between the word "soldiers" and the words of the Mr. SMITH said he should object to including persons ponement. As to the object of his motion, he felt assured amendment, "express riders, boatmen, wagoners." that the gentleman from South Carolina would, himself,

He would pledge

on reflection, come to the decision that it would be better who, if they did any service, ran no risk in its performance. to act on the bill at once, than further to put it off. The He was of opinion that the classes mentioned by the gen bill in the other House, if it should pass, would place the tleman from New York should not be put on the same Senate in an awkward situation, as it provides for a very footing with Indian spies. Wagoners and boatmen, who large appropriation of money. He doubted not that the were hired out by their employers or masters, ran no Mr. HAYNE said he thought differently from the gen minds of Senators are made up, and that there is no pro-risk. This was too bad. bability of any protracted discussion. He would carry the s The farhimself to make no observations, unless he should be com-tleman from Maryland. If volunteers were entitled to the pelled to do so, in reply to others; and if the bill should provisions of the bill, he saw no reason why wagoners fo not be disposed of before the expiration of the hour ap-and boatmen should be excluded. propriated to morning business, he would agree to its principle out still further, and include farmers. It was with a view to mers who furnished the means of subsistence, had as good postponement until to-morrow. take up this bill, and some other subjects in which some a claim as the wagoners who transported it. Nay, be interest was felt throughout the country, that he had at-hoped the Senate would go through with it, and pension This he could prove EBS tempted to induce the Senate to meet at eleven o'clock. the people-give a pension to all who lived in the time of We are about He regretted the absence of the Senator from Virginia; but the revolution. The evident object of the bill is to take that gentleman would have an opportunity to be heard, money out of the public treasury. and he believed that the gentleman had delivered his to be the object. Ay, he could prove it. As he was ex-to pension every man who, in a war of seven years, served sentiments already on a similar measure. tremely desirous to test the sense of the Senate on this for a period of fourteen months. Is there a man who lived question, he would ask for the yeas and nays on his in those times, who did not, at some period or other, motion.

The yeas and nays were then ordered.

The

serve six months? Even after the war of the revolution
had terminated, and the preliminaries of peace had been deb
signed, and Cornwallis had surrendered, there were hange
ers on in the camp, who served, and were entitled. He att
hoped, therefore, that not only wagoners and boatmen,ORSY
but farmers, traders, drovers, all would be included. He
would embrace all who lived before the signing of the d
treaty. If all who ran risk, rich and poor, were to be
placed on an equal footing, he would include all.

Mr. S. said he ask

he

x Brit

EEST

Ab

Mr. SMITH said it was time that the appropriation bill should pass; and he expressed a hope that the Senate would take it up in preference to any other object. The members of Congress had secured their own pay, but the clerks, who can only draw their pay under the provisions of the general appropriation bill, can receive nothing to He hoped, therefore, that the apMr. FOOT congratulated the Senate on this develop. support their families. propriation bill would now be taken up. illustrated the ground in which the bill was intended to be The question was then taken on the motion of Mr. ment of the views of the Senator from South Carolina, as it FOOT, and decided as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Bell, Clay, Clayton, Dallas, Dicker- opposed. He referred to the support which the Senare son, Dudley, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hendricks, tor had given to the bill in 1818, to which this was a sup Seymour, Silsbee,plement. Marcy, Robbins, Mr. SMITH stated that he had been applied to by a Hill, Knight, Sprague, Tipton, Tomlinson, Webster, Wilkins.-21. NAYS.--Messrs. Brown, Ellis, Forsyth, Grundy, constituent, who had been a sailmaker during the revolu from the benefit of the pension law. Hayne, Kane, King, Miller, Robinson, Smith, Troup, tion, and who thought it hard that he was excluded ed him, "Have you served in the militia? Did you ever march?" "No; but I made sails for a privateer." Mr. MARCY made some observations in support of his When the war was carried on in the State of motion. New York, wagoners, express riders, and boatmen were essential agents, and encountered great risk in the per could formance of the services which were committed to them. They carried provisions and munitions of war, not only along the seaboard, but along the line of inland lakes. A large portion of the citizens were wagoners, and suffered The question was then put, and the amendment to the as much as soldiers. amendment was negatived.

White.-12.

APPORTIONMENT BILL.

Mr. WEBSTER made a report from the select committee on the apportionment bill, accompanied by a bill; which was ordered to be printed for the use of the Senate. [For the report, see Appendix.]

PENSIONS.

The Senate, in Committee of the Whole, then proceed. ed to the consideration of the revolutionary pension bill. An amendment, offered by Mr. FOOT, to include the officers of the navy and marines within the provisions of the bill, was agreed to, without a division, after a few words from Mr. FOOT.

Mr. WILKINS then moved to amend the bill by strikMr. GRUNDY stated, that whatever might be his final ing out the word "and" where it occurs before "sol- Mr. WILKINS, vote on this bill, he would never vote to include any diers," and inserting after "soldiers" the words "and Indian spies." Mr. FOOT expressed the acquiescence of the commit-have not meritorious claims. He had understood that this tee in this amendment. It had been intended to embrace bill would not be pressed after the expiration of the hour.

APRIL 6, 1832.]

Appropriation Bill--Colonial Trade.

He would suggest to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that he had an amendment which he desired to offer, but which he would not be able to offer until to-morrow. The amendment, as it now stands, includes only those who served during the period of the revolutionary war. In the Western States there were Indian wars which continued after the revolutionary contest was determined; and he was not willing to overlook those who had been engaged in services equally hazardous, and growing out of the war of the revolution, because they were not rendered until after the close of the main struggle. With a view to allow time to prepare his amendment, he moved to lay the bill on the table, and proceed to the orders of the day. These motions being decided in the affirmative, the Senate proceeded to the orders of the day.

APPROPRIATION BILL-COLONIAL TRADE. The Senate then resumed the consideration of the general appropriation bill-the question being on the amendment to allow 4,500 dollars for the return of the ministers from France and England.

Mr. SPRAGUE concluded the speech which he commenced on Tuesday, (the whole of which is given above.) After Mr. S. had concluded,

710

[SENATE.

formal, and could not be received.
The CHAIR decided that the motion to print was in-

stated his intention to print it in the report of his speech.
Mr. SPRAGUE referred to the act of Parliament, and
Mr. SMITH said that the act had not passed into a law.
communicated to the Senate, and ordered to be printed.
Mr. SPRAGUE stated that it had passed, and had been
The law passed on the 22d of April, 1831. The Senator
from Maryland says the act has not passed. Mr. Living-
ston says it has passed.

Mr. SMITH interrupted. "I know that perfectly well." Mr. SPRAGUE. had not passed. Now he knows this perfectly well, and The Senator from Maryland knows that perfectly well; yet, two minutes ago, he said the law yet, in the presence of all these gentlemen, he had but just declared that he did not know that the law had passed. Mr. the Senator from Maryland if he did not also know that S. then read one or two passages from the law, and asked perfectly well.

The Senate then adjourned.

FRIDAY, APRIL 6.

Mr. SMITH offered the following resolution: requested to cause to be transmitted to the Senate Lord Resolved, That the President of the United States be Aberdeen's letter in answer to Mr. Barbour's of the 27th of November, 1828; and, also, so much of a letter of the 22d April, 1831, from Mr. McLane to Mr. Van Buren, as relates to the proposed duty on cotton.

Mr. WEBSTER moved the printing of the British act of Parliament of the 22d April, 1831; and also of a portion of a document which accompanied the President's message, being a tabular statement of the duties as they existed before the present arrangement was carried into effect. Mr. FORSYTH inquired the reason for this motion. Mr. WEBSTER stated that the object of his motion was to enable the Senate the better to understand the mo- the consideration of the resolution. He stated that a porOn motion of Mr. SMITH, the Senate proceeded to dification which had been made in her tariff laws by Great tion of Lord Aberdeen's letter related to the subject of Britain. The gentleman from Maine had read a part of the correspondence of the American minister, complaining of the destruction of the equality in the trade by the act to which he had referred. sion, there were gentlemen of the Senate who were uninAt an early stage of the sesformed as to the existence of this law.

Mr. FORSYTH objected to the motion to print a document which could only be useful to illustrate the arguments of gentlemen on the other side of the question. Every one, he said, knew that there had been a modification of the British law on this subject.

cotton; and it was important that the information should be before the Senate. He said that he found a letter of Mr. Barbour to Lord Aberdeen on this very subject, but

could find no answer.

The resolution was agreed to.

agreed to:
Mr. CLAY offered the following resolution; which was

ed to report to the Senate such additional correspondence Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directwhich may have taken place between the Treasury DeMr. WEBSTER replied that every body, then, had got showing the construction at the treasury of the laws levypartment and the collectors of the revenue, or appraisers, this knowledge very recently. Six weeks ago the chair-ing duties on foreign imports, as is not embraced in the man of the Finance Committee did not know it. He report made in compliance with the resolution of the 23d then briefly referred to the course pursued by the British of January last. Government when the tories brought a bill before the British Parliament at the close of the Wellington administration. Whether, since this arrangement has been made, Great Britain has found it convenient, under the reserva- ing appropriations for the support of Government during tion in Lord Aberdeen's letter, to change her whole sys- the year 1832. tem of tariff duties, as far as regards the West India

APPROPRIATION BILL-COLONIAL TRADE.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the bill mak

islands, we are now inquiring, as a question of great mo- fell yesterday from the Senators from Maine and Massa-
Mr. SMITH made some explanations in reply to what
ment. If the gentleman from Georgia meant to say that chusetts, which, he said, he was too much fatigued at the
the question was not relevant to the bill, as one making time to notice. The act introduced into the British Par-
appropriation for the services of the year, be it so.
its general bearing on the question immediately under barrel on wheat flour, and increased the duties on other
But liament by Mr. Herries, imposed a duty of six shillings a
discussion could not be doubted.
ought to be, and which Mr. W. presumed would be, fully into the British colonies. Mr. McLane remonstrated to
It was a subject which bread stuffs, imported directly from the United States
discussed here.
the bill which passed. The bill which did pass, did not
Lord Grey against the bill, and those duties were not in
ment which he made when the discussion of the subject
affect any of the material articles, and this was the state-
took place some weeks ago.

Mr. SMITH rose to state that he did not know of the existence of the law of the British Parliament.

Mr. HOLMES reminded the Senator from Maryland that he had expressed a doubt of its existence; and when he [Mr. H.] told him where it was to be found, the Sena tor from Maryland said it was not there.

Mr. FORSYTH repeated that the evident object of the motion was to illustrate the arguments of gentlemen on the other side, and suggested that the important facts were all to be found in the correspondence already laid before the Senate.

Mr. WEBSTER said that when this subject, six weeks with any certainty, if any act had passed. The Senator ago, was before the Senate, it did not seem to be known, from Maryland did not then inform the Senate of the fact. He [Mr. W.] could not find the act; and he had accordingly written to a friend in New York, who forwarded to him a copy of it. That copy he had shown to a friend,

SENATE.]

Appropriation Bill--Colonial Trade.

[APRIL 6, 1832.

and by this friend it was communicated to the Senator Government down to the commencement of that adminis from Maryland.

Mr. SMITH. I know that: you all heard it.

tration. [Here Mr. CLAY explained, and said that he spoke of treaties concluded at Washington.]

Mr. WEBSTER resumed. The Senator from Mary- Now, sir, said Mr. K., with the issue thus joined, I have land said that the Herries bill had failed when the Wel- nothing to do. The Senator from New York is quite lington administration went out of power; and had further competent to act for himself, and to him do I leave it. said that no law had passed. Now he tells us that he But, sir, the Senator from Maine, [Mr. SPRAGUE,] antiknew all about it. He [Mr. W.] thought he had reason cipating that this issue might be varied-that it might be greatly to doubt the accuracy of the Senator's recollec- said that the number of treaties was not so important as tion; and he thought it would be a becoming act, if that their quality-that a treaty with Denmark, securing to Senator could himself be brought to question it. The our citizens six or seven hundred thousand dollars, algentleman now says that he well knew that Lord Grey's though made by the present administration, could not be administration imposed new duties, yet, at the same time, compared with the treaty made with France, securing as he tells us that he knows of nothing done by that admin- many millions-that although the late administration might istration unfavorable to American interests. If the Sena- have made treaties without number, embracing one with tor knew all this before, why had he not communicated the court at Port au Prince, and another with the authori his knowledge to the Senate? The Senator was not given ties at Liberia, yet, when considered with regard to the to be so little communicative of what he knows. But beneficial effects upon this community, they would all the fact is, that the recollection of the gentleman is so sink into insignificance when compared with the single much overloaded, that it cannot bear every thing which arrangement made by this administration opening a trade is imposed on it. The gentleman had evidently confound-between the United States and British possessions in ed the laws with each other. Had he informed the America, has come forward to show us that this "arrangeSenate of the existence of the act, he [Mr. W.] would not have taken the trouble to write all over the country to obtain it.

ment" was made in violation of law; that our trade and navigation were upon a better footing before it was made than they now are; and the more effectually to accomplish Mr. SMITH said he had seen it in the Albion. his purpose, he has thought fit to arraign the President, Mr. HOLMES referred the Senator from Maryland to the late Secretary of State, and the present Secretary of the printed reports of their several speeches, to show how the Treasury, for the part taken by them in relation to the case stood. He [Mr. H.] had stated that the duties this subject. As to the alleged inaccuracy contained in imposed by the bill of Mr. Herries were unfavorable to the President's reply to the letter of the republican memthe United States, but that this act did not pass. Mr. bers of the Legislature of New York, I shall content myH. had said that this act did not pass, but that a more self for the present by expressing the belief that I shall obnoxious one had passed. The Senator from Maryland prove, before I have done, that the reply contains the denied that this was the fact. Mr. H. had also stated that truth stated not only substantially, but to the letter. As the trade was open to the British two months earlier than to the motives imputed to him for answering a letter from it was to American vessels. This also was contradicted so respectable a body of gentlemen in the mode and manby the Senator from Maryland. On going home, and ex-ner in which that answer was made, I will now say this: amining his books, he [Mr. H.] had found that he was That whenever I can be convinced that Andrew Jackson accurate in both his statements. He [Mr. H.] was aston- has followed the bad example of any of his enemies, by ished to hear the Senator from Maryland say that he had using the influence of his official station for the purpose given him the information, when, in fact, he [Mr. H.] gave the information to the Senator from Maryland, and

told him he would find it in the Albion.

Mr. KANE, of Illinois, then rose, in reply to the speech concluded yesterday by Mr. SPRAGUE.

of accomplishing the ends of an unhallowed ambition, or for the still more unworthy purpose of destroying a meritorious rival, I shall look upon him with unmingled abhorrence.

The late Secretary of State, whose elevated virtues and untarnished fame I hold in undiminished regard, has not yet sufficiently atoned for the crime of possessing so large a share of the public confidence.

Had there been, said Mr. K., no State of New York, my venerable friend at the head of the Committee on Finance [Mr. SMITH] would not now be deploring the delay to which the appropriation bill is subjected in consequence The present Secretary of the Treasury, it appears, has, of this discussion. During the whole session, New York in the character of an American negotiator, approached had appeared to be the spectre which disturbed all our the British ministry with "whining supplications." Sir, day dreams. I had thought that if any distinguished statesman of the

Just as gentlemen had succeeded in proving with mathe-age, of amiable temper and manners, pure morals, fixed matical accuracy that more money had been expended on integrity, profound knowledge, and lofty independence account of foreign intercourse during the two first years of character, had passed without reproach, that Louis of this administration, than had been expended during the McLane was that man. Sir, he has given a recent evi two last years of the late administration; just as the Sena-dence of his independence, which has called forth and tor from Massachusetts had, with his usual eloquence, and will continue to call forth the applause of all his political emphasis of language, exhibited a striking picture of the enemies who possess one particle of magnanimity. I have false clamor of bad men and bad printers, raised on the read over and over again these objectionable communica alleged ground of the extravagance of the late adminis- tions, and can find nothing in language or argument, in tration; just as that gentleman had said that which, when consistent with that courtesy, dignity, and unaffected published and spread throughout the land, was well suited independence which should always characterize the diplo to excite the sympathy of the public for injured inno-matic intercourse of sovereign Powers. I can only ac cence, in came the Senator from New York, and told us count for the error into which the honorable gentleman that it was all a mistake; that the people of the United has fallen, by supposing that he has set his own amiable States had not so much complained of the amount of money feelings to the music of his own voice, and has mistaken which the late administration had expended, as they had the harmony thus produced for the "wirinings" of the complained that the money had been expended, and that minister.

nothing had been done. Whereupon, a distinguished Se- Sir, the Senator from Maine has transferred to the subnator [Mr. CLAY] rose in his place, and declared that the ject before us, the resolutions which he some time since late administration had negotiated more treaties than all submitted for consideration, and these form the foundapreceding administrations, from the organization of the [tions of his argument.