[This was a bill to remit the duties on certain paintings and furniture presented by two foreign potentates to the Catholic church at Bairdstown, in Kentucky.

Mr. CLAY said there was no necessity to commit this bill, and he hoped it would be allowed to pass to a third reading. It was the same bill, and made the same provision, as that introduced by him, and laid on the table. This bill was reported from the committee of the other House, and for the benefit of Bishop Flaget alone, without the amendment which was offered to the bill laid on the table the other day for the purpose of reconsideration. If the gentleman from Virginia chose to convert the other bill into a general appropriation for the benefit of churches, in similar cases, he had no objection.

[SENATE

from Virginia was quite liberal; and he hoped the gentleman from Mississippi would not again urge the objection that organs might be required to come duty free if this was passed. When this subject came up, there was no doubt that the gentleman would play the tune to it. With respect to the paintings, they never would have been brought to the United States but for the benevo lence of foreigners, as Bishop Flaget was unable to purchase them himself. The gentleman objects to the bill, because President Madison decided that it was not constitutional to pass laws in favor of religious denominations. But, in that case, the object was to obtain the rights of pre-emption for the benefit of the church. The very term pre-emption implies privilege. But this is the case Mr. TYLER said, as the bill came from the other House, of an individual, and the gentleman admits that, if he was he should decline pressing the amendment proposed. not a bishop, he would be entitled to this benefit; and is Mr. POINDEXTER opposed the bill as being uncon- the gentleman prepared to say that a person at the head stitutional, and having a tendency to establish a precedent of a religious denomination shall be deprived of that which that might lead to numerous applications for similar ob- he would be entitled to as a private citizen? Can it be jects. He cited the case of the bill granting land for the doubted that President Madison would have sanctionbenefit of the church at Richmond, which was not approved this bill, if it had been offered to him when President? ed by President Madison, because it was contrary to the What, sir, are we to refuse that justice to a man because constitution to grant exclusive privileges to any religious he is of a religious denomination, which he would be entisect or denomination. The churches that had imported tled to if he was of no religion? This seems to be a peorgans might require the same privilege, if this was grant-culiar favorite principle with some of the foreign Govern. ed. If they were imported for an individual, the duty ments, but not of our own. Already has Congress passed might be remitted. bills remitting the duties on vestments, and other furniMr. KANE said there was a striking difference between ture, for churches. This looks more like favoring religion this bill and the one with the amendment. This bill was than to remit the duty on paintings, which are more for for the benefit of an individual-the other for a particular the encouragement of the fine arts than religious worship. church. It was customary to grant privileges of this kind Bibles have been admitted free of duty for the encourageto individuals not at the head of a religious body, and he ment of the Baltimore Bible Society; and there are eight could see no reason why the fact of his being a bishop for ten cases on record of precisely the same principle, should exclude him from the common privileges of other where Congress has remitted the duty on imported articitizens. Books, paintings, &c. for the benefit of learning and the fine arts, were admitted free, in many cases, for the encouragement of literature and the fine arts. These paintings were not objects of worship, but of ornament, and the remission of the duty on them could not be considered as favoring any religious denomination in their worship, because they were hung upon the walls of a cathedral, more than if they were placed in the Academy of Fine Arts, in Philadelphia-to the latter of which Mr. WILKINS rose to inquire whether the amendment, this benefit had been extended. The object was simply which he had before given notice that he should offer to to declare that, if a foreigner chose to make a donation of the resolution of Mr. CLAY, on the subject of the tariff, paintings to a person in this country, to be hung up in a church, or elsewhere, Congress would not discourage it by imposing a heavy duty upon the gift. This was for the benefit of all persons who chose to resort there to examine them, and had nothing to do with religious privileges whatever.

cles. Mr. C. concluded with the remark that he hoped the gentleman would agree to the measure, and, if not, he should cheerfully acquiesce in the decision of the Senate.

After some further remarks from Messrs. BENTON and POINDEXTER, the bill was ordered to a third reading--yeas 26, nays not counted.

THE TARIFF.

would be precluded if not offered at this time. He wished to ascertain whether the decision of the Senate, dispensing with the parliamentary custom of precluding further amendments, after a motion to strike out the whole had failed, was considered as valid, or whether he should have to move a reconsideration in order to attain his object.

Mr. TYLER said that he was in hopes that he should Mr. KING (then in the chair) said that, in 1824, an aphave been permitted to remain silent after having with- peal on a question of order had been made to the Senate, drawn his proposed amendment, and that, for one single which had, in direct opposition to all parliamentary rule, day, the subject of the tariff would have been allowed to determined to amend, after having refused to strike out. rest unmolested. But the gentleman had thought proper Since that time, cases of the same kind had occurred, and to found his argument on this very subject, and this in re- the practice, supposed to have been settled by that deci ference to an organ imported when the tariff of 1816 was sion, had been acquiesced in. The Chair was decidedly in force, and of course had nothing to do with the present of opinion that, without this precedent, directly contrary duties. The gentleman had alluded to the bill for the to all rules of parliamentary practice, both in England benefit of the church at Richmond. He had brought for- and in the two Houses of Congress, an amendment to the ward that measure, which was based on the humane and resolution, after the refusal of the Senate to strike out any sympathetic feelings which arose from the destruction of part of it, would not be in order. the Richmond theatre, and the loss of two hundred of the Mr. HAYNE agreed that the Chair was correct in his most respectable citizens of Virginia in that conflagra- statement of the former practice of the Senate, and the tion. If the gentleman had presented a similar measure, parliamentary usage; but it had been found inconvenient, he would certainly support it on the same grounds. There and productive of injurious consequences, and, therefore, was a difference between the purchase of articles and a the Senate had decided that the custom should not be adfreewill offering; and if the question was, which should hered to. This decision had also been made in the popube entitled to the privilege of coming free of duty, he would say, the purchase which was already burdened with heavy price.

Mr. CLAY said that the course taken by the gentleman
VOL. VIII.-38

lar branch of the State Legislature over which he had formerly had the honor to preside; and this decision should be valid until the Senate thought proper to reverse it.

Mr. WILKINS said that his only object was to ascertain

SENATE.]

The Tariff.

[MARCH 22, 1832.

the sense of the Senate on the subject. It was immaterial to the tariff, which render it proper that I should submit to him which way it was decided. He should not press a few remarks. he subject further than to prevent his being precluded When we enter these walls we take a solemn oath, as from offering his amendment in any shape. representatives of the people, binding upon our conAfter some further remarks from the CHAIR, sciences individually: it is to support the constitution of the Mr. CLAY said that he did not rise to discuss the ques- United States; and our duties under it have reference to tion, but merely to state his opinion of the propriety of the whole Union. Every representative of the people the course to be pursued. He was of the opinion that here, duly impressed with the responsibilities of his stathe motion to strike out, offered by the gentleman from tion, must receive the instructions of other representatives South Carolina, and decided in the negative, did not pre-of the people, in the State Legislature, with the most de clude any other amendment which might be offered. He ferential respect, and a sincere and anxious desire to did not consider that this decision, in effect, adopted the act in accordance with them. If, unfortunately, this resolution; and if the amendment to be proposed was dif- should conflict with his previous opinions, he should, ferent in its nature from the one negatived, it was unques- with singleness of heart, and with the utmost care and tionably proper to admit it. He spoke with great defer- deliberation, re-examine and reconsider the subject, with ence to the opinions of other gentlemen, having more the hope of arriving at a harmonious result. To desire experience in the practice of the Senate; but, according this, he has every inducement of official obligation and to all the proceedings of legislative bodies with which he personal convenience; and nothing but the most solemn was acquainted, he considered that the resolution was still convictions of disinterested public duty should ever inopen to amendment. duce him to decline a literal conformity with such expres sions of legislative opinion. But yet he may be constrained to do so by the highest obligations to the whole people, and the most sacred moral duty to his conscience and his God. On the present occasion, I have the satisfaction to be Resolved, That the Committee on Roads and Canals believe that I shall be able to concur in the substance, if not instructed to inquire into the expediency of granting to in the form, of these resolutions. the State of Louisiana 500,000 acres of the public land, to aid the said State in keeping open the watercourses communicating with the Mississippi, and for such other objects as may be considered of public utility.

After some further remarks by Messrs. WILKINS and MILLER, the subject was laid on the table.

The following resolution was submitted by Mr. WAG

GAMAN:

Mr. POINDEXTER offered a resolution of inquiry relative to a grant of 500,000 acres of land to the State of Mississippi, for purposes of internal improvement.

On motion of Mr. MARCY, the unfinished business of yesterday was laid on the table, and the Senate went into executive business; and, after spending some time therein, The Senate adjourned.

THURSDAY, MARCH 22.

After the usual morning business,

many

Their substantial object appears to be

1. To reduce the revenue from imposts to the proper expenditures of Government.

2. So to adjust the duties as to benefit the laboring class. And

3. To modify the tariff law of 1828.

REDUCING THE REVENUE.

As to the first, I have long been, and am still, decided. ly, in favor of a reduction of duties. Years since, as a member of the Finance Committee of the other House, I exerted myself to accomplish it, in relation to some of the most important articles contemplated by the resolution of the member from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY.]

It seems now to be generally agreed that the revenue ought to be diminished;-but how? in what manner? That is the question.

Mr. WILKINS asked of the gentleman from Delaware, [Mr. CLAYTON,] whether he was willing to take up the apportionment bill at this time. It was a subject of great interest to the country, and the Legislatures of On the one side, we have the resolution of the member States were waiting a decision; and therefore he was anx-from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY,] and on the other, the proious that the subject should be disposed of as soon as it position of the senator from South Carolina, [Mr. HAYNE.] could be done conveniently. The former preserves the protective principle, and proposes legislation with a view to aid domestic industry and American products; the latter discards and rejects such protection as no legitimate object of any system of imports, denouncing it as utterly unconstitutional.

Mr. CLAYTON had no objection to having the question decided at any time when the Senate was full; but, as it was a question of great importance to the country, and one in which every member should have an opportunity to record his vote, he would observe that his colleague, together with some other members, were absent, who were desirous to be present when the final question was taken, and who would be in their places in a few days. He hoped, therefore, that the gentleman would not press the subject at this time.

After some debate by Messrs. WILKINS, WEBSTER, MARCY, BUCKNER, CLAYTON, SMYTH, FORSYTH, FOOT, and HOLMES, the question was put on taking up the bill, and decided in the negative by a large majority.

THE TARIFF.

It is now even insisted that, in imposing duties primarily for revenue, we have no right to have any regard to their incidental effect in encouraging domestic manufactures, which until recently has never been denied. but suggest a few considerations. I shall not go at large into the constitutional question,

The right to lay imposts, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations, is given in express, unequivocal terms. The letter of the constitution clearly confers the power to vary imposts and commercial regulations at plea

sure. But it is insisted that it was never within the contemplation of the framers of the constitution, that the The Senate resumed the consideration of the resolution power thus conferred was to be used for the purpose of on the subject of a reduction of the duties on imports--aiding or protecting any occupation or branch of industry the question being on Mr. FORSYTH's motion to postpone in our country; and that such exercise of it is, therefore, the subject until the 1st of May next; which motion Mr. against its original spirit and intention. F., at the request of several gentlemen, withdrew.

The history of the times, anterior and subsequent to the Mr. SPRAGUE addressed the Senate as follows: I had adoption of the constitution, shows this assertion to be not intended, said he, to participate in the discussion of utterly groundless. this resolution, and should have persevered in my deter

After Great Britain had acknowledged our indepen mination to give a silent vote, had I not yesterday received dence, she put in full force against us the system of procertain resolutions of the Legislature of Maine in relation tection and inhibition, by which our ships were to be

[SENATE,

The Legislature of Pennsylvania, near the same period, passed the following resolutions, in consequence of petitions from the citizens of that State:

66

excluded from her ports, while British vessels were freely our assertions, we need only point the attention of Conadmitted to ours; and we were to purchase her manufac-gress to the enormous duty on our rice, oil, and tobacco; tures of all kinds, while she, in effect, prohibited the to the principle and spirit of their navigation laws; or to greater portion of our productions, receiving such only a bill lately agitated in the British Parliament, which as were of indispensable necessity to her prosperity.now, most probably, has the sanction of a law, for the Thus, after as before the revolution, the rich streams of support and encouragement of their American fishery, our industry were to be directed into British channels, to to the direct prejudice of ours, and is intended to derive exhaust our resources and swell her wealth. She had that benefit from these States, which, in our apprehenindeed ceased hostilities by arms, but she substituted asion, and on their principles, ought only to be permitted war upon our trade, by restrictions and commercial regu- in our own bottoms. lations. Against this species of attack the United States "Impressed with these ideas, your petitioners beg were defenceless. The confederation had no power to leave to request of the very august body which they now impose duties or regulate commerce; and could not, there- have the honor to address, that the numerous impositions fore, counteract the deadly influence of foreign legislation. of the British on the trade and exports of these States, Several of the States, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, may be forthwith contravened by similar expedients on Pennsylvania, and others, attempted to protect them-our part; else, may it please your excellency and honors, selves by acts of their own Legislatures; but they were the commerce of this country, and, of consequence, its rendered nugatory by the omission of neighboring States' wealth, power, and perhaps the Union itself, may beto co-operate in one system. Massachusetts, for example, come victims to the artifice of a nation, whose arms have imposed restrictions upon the productions of foreign na-been in vain exerted to accomplish the ruin of America." tions; but while they were received freely into all the ports of Rhode Island and Connecticut, their imposts were utterly vain and inefficacious. It was soon perceived, that to defend ourselves successfully against this insidious Resolved, That it is the opinion of this House, that hostility to our trade and industry, we must have recourse the privilege, in the degree hitherto retained by the to the same means which had been so triumphant against States individually, of controlling and regulating their the assaults of open force--the creation of a common own trade, is no longer compatible with the general power to bring into exercise the concerted and united interest and welfare of the United States; reason and energies of all the States, and, by an uniform system, to experience clearly evincing that such privilege is promeet adverse legislation by counter legislation, to opposeductive of mutual inconveniences, and injurious among restriction to restriction, and interdict to interdict. The first idea was to invest the confederation with this power, and measures were taken with this view; but it was soon perceived that additional strength, for other important purposes, was also necessary; and, instead of attempting a mere amendment of the articles of confederation, a new and General Government was established, with enlarged powers. A primary, if not the principal cause, which conduced to the formation of our present constitution, was this very purpose of giving efficient protection to our own citizens in the pursuits of their industry, against the unfriendly and injurious restrictions of foreign nations. And pursuant to this design, the first Congress of the United States, immediately upon the organization of the new Government, framed laws, with express and avowed reference to the advancement and protection of American products and pursuits; and those acts, or others having in view the same object, have been in full operation from that time to the present moment.

The positions which I have assumed, and the sketch now presented, are fully sustained by the documentary history of the early ages of the republic. I shall offer to the Senate but a small part of the abundant evidence which might be adduced.

ourselves; and that the systems of several nations, by which our merchants are excluded from the most beneficial branches of commerce, whilst the whole of ours is laid open to them, cannot be consistently or effectually 'counteracted, but by a unity of councils in the great representative body of the United States.

"Resolved, therefore, That Congress be requested to devise such a system of commercial powers, as they ought necessarily to be invested with, to be recommended to the States; and that Congress be assured of finding the most suitable disposition on the part of Pennsylvania to comply therewith."

In 1784, Congress adopted the report of a committee holding the following language, with reference to the hostile legislation of the British Government:

"It would be the duty of Congress, as it is their wish, to meet the attempts of Great Britain with similar restrictions on her commerce; but their powers on this 'head are not explicit, and propositions made by the Legislatures of the several States render it necessary to take the general sense of the Union on this subject.

must decline, and eventually be annihilated. Hence it is necessary that the States should be explicit, and fix on 'some effectual mode by which foreign commerce, not founded on principles of equality, may be restrained."

"Unless the United States in Congress assembled shall be vested with powers competent to the protection of 'commerce, they can never command reciprocal advanThe attempts of Massachusetts to counteract the de-tages in trade; and without these, our foreign commerce structive effects of foreign discriminations having been defeated by the non-concurrence of the other States, many of her citizens presented a petition to the continental Congress, at the head of which was the signature of John Hancock, that glorious name which, in bold and command- And consequently, in July, 1785, a report was made by ing characters, was the first affixed to the declaration of another committee of the continental Congress, of which American independence, and which will ever be held in Mr. Monroe was chairman, recommending that the arti grateful and reverential remembrance by the friends of cles of confederation be so amended as to confer addiberty throughout the world. That memorial breathed tional strength; and that a letter be addressed to the the following language: Legislatures of the several States, showing the principles upon which the alterations were proposed. The following is an extract from the epistle thus recommended:

"Your petitioners observe, that the ships and commo'dities of that nation, whose insidious conduct has long been the object of our peculiar jealousy, are received in "The common principle upon which a friendly comour ports under the same advantages with our own, 'mercial intercourse is conducted between independent while our navigation, in return, is discouraged by every nations, is, that of reciprocal advantages; and, if this is possible embarrassment; and our exports, on their part,not obtained, it becomes the duty of the losing party to

·

are either prohibited, or, if admitted to their ports, are loaded with the most rigorous exactions. In proof of

make such further regulations, consistently with the faith of treaties, as will remedy the evil and secure its

SENATE.]

The Tariff.

[MARCH 22, 1832.

'interests. If, then, the commercial regulations of any constitutional lawyer of this country; and, perhaps, no 'foreign Power contravene the interests of any particular man was ever more profoundly versed in the principles, or 'State; if they refuse admittance to its produce into its thoroughly imbued with the spirit, of the constitution: 'ports, upon the same terms that the State admits its and in its construction, no name, except that of Washing manufactures here, what course will it take to remedy ton himself, would carry a more preponderatory influence. 'the evil? If it makes similar regulations to counteract He was a member of the first Congress, and a most zeal'those of that Power, by reciprocating the disadvantages ous and efficient advocate of the measures of protection, which it feels, by impost or otherwise, will it produce speaking with glowing indignation of the restrictive policy the desired effect? What operation will it have upon of Great Britain, and in strong and energetic terms of the 'the neighboring States? Will they enter into similar re-right and duty of this Government to counteract it, and 'gulations, and make it common cause? On the contrary, declaring that the constitution was formed for that 'will they not, in pursuit of the same local policy, avail purpose. The following is an extract from one of his 'themselves of this circumstance, to turn it to their par- speeches:

'ticular advantage? Thus, then, we behold the several "We have now the power to avail ourselves of our 'States taking separate measures in pursuit of their par-national superiority, and I am for beginning with some 'ticular interests in opposition to the regulations of fo-manifestation of that ability, that foreign nations may be 'reign Powers, and separately aiding those Powers to taught to pay us that respect which they have neglected defeat the regulations of each other: for, unless the on account of our imbecility. This language, and these 'States act together, there is no plan of policy into which sentiments, are the language and sentiments of our con'they can separately enter, which they will not be sepa-stituents; the great political revolution now brought 'rately interested to defeat, and, of course, all their mea- about by the organization of the new Government, has 'sures must prove vain and abortive." its foundation in these sentiments. Sensible of the sel

The palpable necessity of strengthening the confedera-fish policy which actuated a nation long disposed to do tion led to various discussions, propositions, and resolu-all she could to discourage our commercial operations, tions, which resulted in the establishment of our present the States singly attempted to counteract her nefarious constitution. The new Government was to have been schemes; but, finding their separate exertions ineffecorganized on the 4th of March, 1789; but a quorum oftual, with a united voice they called for a new arrangeboth branches of the National Legislature did not assem-ment, constituted to concentre, conduct, and point their ble until the 6th day of April. The first petition pre-powers, so as to obtain that reciprocity which justice sented to the House was on Saturday, the 11th of that demands. The arrangement has taken place; and though month, "from the tradesmen, manufacturers, and others, gentlemen may contend that we are not at this moment 'of the town of Baltimore, in the State of Maryland, prepared to use it in the latitude I could wish, yet let 'praying an imposition of such duties on all foreign arti-them concur in doing what shall indicate that on a pro'cles which can be made in America, as will give a just and decided preference to the labors of the petitioners;" "and that there may be granted to them, in common 'with other manufacturers and mechanics of the United] 'States, such relief as, in the wisdom of Congress, may 'appear proper."

"Ordered, That a bill or bills be brought in, pursuant 'to the said resolution."

'per occasion we dare exert ourselves in defeating any measure which commercial policy shall offer, hostile to the welfare of America."

On the 7th of May, 1789, he uttered the following language:

"I am amazed, sir, when I consider how, in consequence of her regulations, the whole proceeds of American ship'ments are drawn into the vortex of the British treasury. 'Sir, this preponderation ought not be. It is in our power to effect an alteration. The productions of our country are more necessary to Great Britain, and the rest of the world, than those of the world at large, or the manufactures of Great Britain, are to us."

How could he have expressed himself more clearly and The second petition to the House, and which was pre-strongly as to purpose of the formation of the new Go- | sented on the Monday following, was from the shipwrights vernment, and the consequent duty of its members. of the city of Charleston, in the State of South Carolina, President Washington, in his address to both branches praying for "such measures, in a general regulation of of Congress, in January, 1790, recommended agriculture, trade and the establishment of a proper navigation, as commerce, and manufactures to their attention: the House will tend to relieve the particular distresses of the peti- of Representatives "Ordered, That it be referred to the tioners, and, in common with them, those of their fel-Secretary of the Treasury to prepare and report to this 'low-shipwrights throughout the United States."

The first act passed by Congress was to regulate the administering of the oaths necessary to the constitutional organization of the Government. The second was to impose duties upon foreign goods. It contained the following preamble:

"Whereas it is necessary for the support of Govern'ment, for the discharge of the debts of the United States, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures, that duties be laid on goods, wares, and merchandises 'imported."

House a proper plan or plans, conformably to the recommendation of the President of the United States, in his speech to both Houses of Congress, for the encou ragement and promotion of such manufactures as will tend to render the United States independent of other 'nations for essential, particularly for military, supplies." In obedience to which, General Hamilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, a member of the cabinet, under the eye of Washington himself, prepared and presented to Congress his celebrated and elaborate report upon the subject of manufactures, recommending, by strong facts and unIt contained a discrimination in favor of importations answered reasoning, their encouragement by national legislation. The next, being the third act of the first Congress, was In obedience to a resolution of the House of Represenalso passed with the most unequivocal reference to the tatives of February, 1791, Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of protection of American industry. It imposed a tonnage State, made his able and admirable report upon the comduty of fifty cents upon foreign vessels, and of six cents merce of the United States, in which he decidedly recomonly upon our own. mends the system of counteracting protection. In one Mr. Madison has been justly denominated the great place he expresses himself thus:

in American bottoms.

MARCH 22, 1832.]

The Tariff.

[SENATE.

"But should any nation, contrary to our wishes, sup-question is, what it shall be, and to what extent it shall be 'pose it may better find its advantage by continuing its sys-carried.

'tem of prohibitions, duties, and regulations, it behooves us And this problem, the adjustment of a tariff, is one of al'to protect our citizens, their commerce and navigation, most infinite and inconceivable difficulty. It involves the 'by counter prohibitions, duties, and regulations, also. most profound principle of political economy, the most 'Free commerce and navigation are not to be given in ex-comprehensive views of civilized society, the most extend'change for restrictions and vexations: nor are they likely ed knowledge of the productions of nature, and the minut'to produce a relaxation of them." est details of the diversified and multitudinous occupations of mankind.

Again:

BENEFITING THE LABORING CLASS.

1. Where a nation imposes high duties on our pro- I consider the resolution now before us as substantially 'ductions, or prohibits them altogether, it may be proper involving only the question of protection or no protection; for us to do the same by theirs; first burdening or exclud- tariff, or no tariff; and that the mode and manner is to be ing those productions which they bring here, in competi- discussed and decided when proper bills shall be intro'tion with our own of the same kind; selecting next such duced. In this aspect of the subject, therefore, I shall 'manufactures as we take from them in greatest quantity, ask your attention only to a few general principles. and which at the same time we could the soonest furnish 'to ourselves, or obtain from other countries; imposing on 'them duties, lighter at first, but heavier and heavier af- In any and every adjustment of the tariff we should ex'terwards, as other channels of supply open," &c. ercise a primary regard to the interests of the laboring Sir, I might heap authority upon authority, and extract class of the community. We must all feel and know our upon extract, until I should fatigue the Senate. Our obligations to, and dependence upon, them. There is not whole legislative history abounds with them. The fram- a member of either House of Congress from the North, ers of the constitution, its contemporaneous expositors, who does not owe his seat here to that body of men, and those who were earliest called upon to execute its provi- to them is his highest responsibility. We are emphaticalsions, the pre-eminent statesmen of the earliest days of the ly the representatives of labor, and should never for a republic, never for a moment doubted that it contained moment be unmindful of our solemn duty to aid and adthis fostering and protective power for the advancement vance its interest. But in what manner is this desirable of American industry. Indeed, it was known, felt, and end to be attained? This is the problem in political science, avowed, that this was one of the great leading objects of which we are called upon to solve. its creation, which it was the solemn duty of Congress to keep constantly in view, and which they could never neglect, and be innocent.

The first, all-important, means is to furnish employment-the next is to make labor as productive as practicable.

The object of a tariff should be-

1. To give employment to those who would otherwise be without it.

2. To make labor more productive and more profitable. The law which accomplishes this is beneficial.

On the other hand, any system, or want of system, which throws out of employment those who would otherwise be occupied, or changes labor from the more profitable to the less productive branches, is so far injurious.

I say, sir, that the primary and most important of all means of benefiting the laboring class, and indeed every class of the community, is to furnish them with employment; presenting opportunities and inducements to free, voluntary, constant, productive occupation. Your legisla tion should say to the people-be employed-profitably, if you can, but--be honestly employed.

The States had by the first article of the constitution expressly divested themselves of the right to protect their own products by imposts upon foreign importations. No one even now contends that the States individually have this power. They did possess it before, under the confedera tion. Why did they renounce it? Can any man seriously deny that it was in order that it might be vested in the General Government, to be more efficaciously exercised? The war of commercial restrictions, waged by Great Britain, was severely felt by many of the States. They found themselves incapable of effectual resistance, by repeated efforts, and therefore concentrated all their powers in the General Government: and now, shall that Government, having become the depository of all their arms, and their whole means of defence, leave them, naked and unarmed, exposed to the attacks of their enemies? Is there not the same necessity now for resisting the commercial hostility Demosthenes was asked what was the first requisite to of Great Britain, that there was in 1789? Is not her sys- eloquence?-he replied, action: what the second?-action: tem of restrictions and prohibitions in full and vigorous the third?-action. If I were asked what were the first, operation? Will she receive a single article from us, that second, and third requisites to the permanent prosperity she can dispense with? Will she admit into her ports any and happiness of an individual or a community, I should of the staples of the Northern, Middle, or Western States?-answer-labor-labor--labor.

our corn or grain, our beef or pork, our fish or lumber-- In this we have discovered, what the alchymists of old any of our vegetable or animal food, the produce of the so long sought for in vain, as the grand desiderata of huseas, the forest, or the soil? We know that she will not. man existence--the philosopher's stone, which converts And can it be believed that while this hostile system contin- dust into gold-and the elixir vitæ, which confers perpeues, on the part of foreign nations, to counteract which was tual health.

a special and prominent object of the formation of our con- It is the fountain of wealth, sending forth streams perenstitution, that this Government is to be preserved by aban-nial and innumerable, whose incessant flow confers unmcadoning those measures of defence which have been insured blessings. Its fruits are constantly consumed and conoperation, with such wonderful success, from the dawn of stantly reproduced. Let human labor stand still, and how its existence? That the States, who have bound them- long would its present accumulations sustain human existselves for the express purpose of common, united protec-ence? They would expire, like the unfed lamp--vanish, tion, under the broad and ample shields of the Union, will like the mists of the morning.

A

now permit that ægis to be withdrawn, themselves to be Labor is the best measure of exchangeable value. divested of their panoply of defence, and that the liga- want of due regard to this important truth, has occasioned ments which bind their limbs from separate action shall infinite perplexity and confusion in speeches and writings still continue all in their tension? upon the tariff. In order to determine its merits or deSir, we always have had, and, so long as other nations merits, they inquire whether the price of its objects has shall persevere in their present policy, we must have, been increased or diminished. On the one side, is selectsome system of protection for our industry. The true ed a class of articles, the price of which is undoubtedly