SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 27, 1832. the character of its origin, this Government actually ema- upon the labor, the seasons, the market, and the goodnates, under the forms of an adopted constitution, from will of a distant country? Has, indeed, the argument come the people of the United States, and is essentially as well to this? Are we required to go back into a worse than national as federative: that the powers to levy imposts and colonial bondage? to look for the boon of prolonged exto regulate commerce are powers not merely expressly istence to foreign trade only? to confide in rivals or ene granted by the States, but are powers without which the mies, nay, on winds and waves, for the necessaries of life? Government ought not and cannot exist: that the grant of Sir, it cannot, it must not be. Imposts and internal taxes those powers was accompanied with the full knowledge are essentially different in the objects they are intended that they had been universally, and would be here, made to reach, and in the rules by which their imposition is di the means of protecting domestic produce and manufac-rected. The rule of taxing luxuries rather than the ne tures from the injurious courses and incursions of other cessaries of life, is inflexible in any system for raising countries: that, in fact, such protection was one of the internal revenue: but, in drawing revenue from objects of moving objects of the revolution, of the Union, and of the foreign commerce, the rule is reversed, not for the purexplicit delegation of those powers: and that a policy was pose of favoring luxuries, but to shield from destruction promptly established in conformity with these views, and the native necessaries of life. To say that the dutiable has unceasingly been pursued. I am unwilling, and, con-articles are necessaries of life, presents the strongest pos sistently with my understanding of the senatorial oath, Isible reason for preventing their coming into ruinous com am unable, to sanction the proposition of the gentleman petition with similar articles of our own growth or forma from South Carolina, by which all this is virtually, if not tion. If we cannot do without them, we must cultivate directly, repudiated and denied. or make them for ourselves: and our means of cultivation The resolution of the Senator from Kentucky is, per- or manufacture must be protected from the undermining haps, in itself unsatisfactory. Prevented as we are by and desolating effects of intrusive supplies from abroad. the constitution from originating any revenue bill, I enter. The honorable Senator from South Carolina admits of tain some doubt as to the propriety of instructing a com- one exception to his rule of free trade, in favor of articles mittee to report what we may be ultimately obliged to " strictly necessary to national defence." Should not the dismiss as out of our competency. On this suggestion, same breath which characterized the manufactures of however, I shall wait for explanation, giving my approba- Europe as necessaries of life have sanctioned another extion to what is before us, merely as a resolution testing the ception? Or does he deem the defence of the nation a sense of this body on a principle by which our future le- higher purpose than the existence of the people who com gislation is to be governed. I prefer it, then, sir, for two pose it? Sir, if our country be worth inhabiting, it can reasons: first, because the reduction of the revenue which abundantly produce, within itself, shielded from exotic it proposes to effect, is, at least pro tanto, right and proper: interference, all that is requisite for the life and comfort and, secondly, because it leaves us free to conciliate and of man. I would disdain it otherwise. concede, upon stricter examination of this complicated and multifarious subject, in the details of an adjustment. 1. The proposed reduction of revenue is pro tanto right. Agreeably to the estimates furnished by the head of the Treasury Department, in his annual report to Congress, the amount to be raised from imposts for the year 1833 is $15,000,000. Supposing, as we reasonably may, that, at the present rates of duties, the customs for 1833 will yield a sum similar to the one they are estimated to yield for 1832, to wit, $26,500,000, there would be an excess, beyond the amount desired, of $11,500,000. But the amount of reduction to be produced by carrying into effect the objects of the resolution, is, according to belief, about $8,000,000: leaving then, in fact, a surplus of revenue for 1833, not exceeding $3,500,000. I am aware, sir, that I exclude from this calculation the annual proceeds of the sales of the public lands, and dividends on bank stock; and I do so, upon the suggestions and proposals made and enforced in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. It is advancing pretty far, in relief of the people from a system of impost duties which they really feel but little, to reduce at one blow to the extent of $8,000,000, and to leave for further and more cautious reduction only $3,500,000. The objections, sir, made to advancing thus far, upon the plan of the resolution, do not appear to me sound or valid. Why, it is asked, will you diminish your taxes upon luxuries, and leave the necessaries of life burdened? The But while you foster and protect the means of produc ing the necessaries of life, what is the effect of abolishing the duties now exacted upon the imported luxuries? Cer tainly, bring those luxuries within the poor man's reach, if he has them not already: or, if he has them, as is the case generally with tea and coffee, to augment his fund by which to produce other articles of necessity or comfort, to the extent of the before existing duty. To that extent, at least, he is benefited and relieved. But we are told, the proposition stops too suddenly short, and contemplates, nay, makes unavoidable, a surplus of revenue; and the oppression of drawing money out of the pockets of the people for nothing, merely to accumu late it in the treasury, has been glowingly imputed. This argument, sir, plausible and proper as it may seem, begs the whole question at issue. Prove the protection of your manufactures to be nothing; prove the national interests of domestic industry to be nothing; prove social indepen dence, without which political independence is almost shadow, to be nothing; prove these nothings, and then you may triumphantly retain in the pockets of the people the twenty-five cents a head which we propose to devote to nothing. Sir, these nothings constitute a great equiva lent for which the American people will freely and cheerfully pay. Pay twenty-five cents each! Ay, pay quadruple the amount, and feel, as they in reality would become, tenfold richer by the payment. The idea of a surplus is not a novelty; nor should it inquestion involves a mistake in fact, applying to two-thirds, spire alarm. It was long since foreseen, as the practical perhaps three-fourths, of the objects on which the reduc- result of any modification of the policy reasonably to be tion of duty will operate. Tea, coffee, indigo, drugs, and expected, by the present Chief Magistrate, and he frankly some others, cannot be classed as luxuries; they ought to laid before his countrymen a plan for its distribution. For be considered necessaries. But suppose otherwise: and my own part, sir, whatever modes of applying it might be let me ask honorable Senators, what, of all American pro-adopted, I entertain no fears about a full, an overflowing duce, is more entitled to legislative protection than a ne-treasury, while it continues, as now, under the control of cessary of life? And what is less entitled to it than a mere the representatives of a prudent, sagacious, and virtuous luxury? Admitting the allegation that the manufactures people. It would be liable to no misuse or perversion, to of England, or of Europe, are necessaries of life to the which ordinary revenue is not liable. Its appropriation American people, are we to be forever dependent for the must pass through the same forms; be devised, debated, absolute and essential means of subsistence and comfort, and directed by the same men; and be protected under FEB. 28, 29, 1832.] The Turiff. [SENATE. exactly the same responsibilities. I can readily, indeed, I to abstain from expressing the decided sense and anxious conceive that a common treasure, locked up, if you will, as resource in sudden emergencies, might operate, as does even now the possession of the public lands, to preserve the confederacy, when mere patriotism restricts its energies and virtues to the narrow sphere of a State. sentiments of the patriotic community who sent me here. Sir, I have nothing so much and so deeply at heart, as the maintenance of the harmony and perpetuity of this Union. Whatever may be the contrary and irreconcilable appearance of opinions, no danger is to be apprehended, 2. But that which principally recommends the original and no difference can be contemned, while the preservaresolution to my preference, is the fact of its leaving me tion of our constitution, and the good of the country, are at liberty to concede any just and reasonable modifications the leading and paramount objects of us all. If there be or changes in the details of the policy, which may be satis-any-certainly there are none upon this floor-who seek factorily designated. to distract the peace and dissolve the bonds of our federaI am inflexible, sir, as to nothing but adequate protec- tive Government; who would put at hazard, in pursuit of tion. The process of attaining that may undergo any temporary projects, or to indulge ambitious aspirants, the mutation. Secure that to the home labor of this country, repose and institutions of the republic; who contemplate and our opponents shall have, as far as my voice and suf- change and revolution; I beseech such men to extend frage can give it to them, a "carte blanche" whereon to their forecasting vision into the future, and to confront settle any arrangement or adjustment their intelligence posterity. Let them be warned, by anticipating the judgmay suggest. It might have been expected, not unrea- ment of that tribunal. The excitements of the day may sonably, that they who desired change should tender their be gratified: they may delude themselves into the belief projet; that they would designate noxious particulars, and that they are laboring to vindicate the constitution, or to intimate their remedies; that they would invoke the skill uphold the principles of human liberty; but if they reckand assistance of practical and experienced observers on a lessly involve the American people in the horrors, uncersubject with which few of us are familiar; and point with tainties, and fatal consequences of civil war, and of violent precision to such parts of the extensive system as can be disruption, they must be content to receive, as a merited modified without weakening or endangering the whole reward, an immortality of detestation. Their party and structure. They have forborn to do this. They demand paltry pretexts will be forgotten; their refined discriminaan entire demolition. Free trade is the burden of their tions in theory, and their high-wrought declamation, will eloquence; the golden fleece of their adventurous enter- be forgotten; even their virtuous passions will cease to prise; the goal short of which they will not pause even to extenuate their offence; and all posterity, struggling in breathe. I cannot join their expedition for such object. vain to recombine the elements, and to rebuild the edifice An established policy, coeval, in the language of President of our great, and glorious, and happy confederacy-amid Jackson, with our Government; believed by an immense the desolation of perpetual conflicts, and in the darkness majority of our people to be constitutional, wise, and ex- of sectional bondage--will doom them to loud, deep, and pedient; may not be abruptly abandoned by Congress, with- everlasting execration. Let no man, sir, seek elevation out a treacherous departure from duty, a shameless derelic-or renown, at the price of the National Union and trantion of sacred trust and confidence. To expect it, is both quillity. He will never find it. Failing, he must rank, extravagant and unkind. But show us your scheme: call it one of revenue exclusively, if you will: names and epithets are immaterial: let it accommodate our policy with the new fiscal attitude of the nation, and with your wishes; and, for one, I will give it the favorable hearing and consideration to which the purity of your motives and your alleged sufferings certainly entitle it. It is not impossible, sir, (though I confess myself a very feeble instructor on this vast business) that some rational project may spring from sober and analytical inquiry, to reconcile us all. I have heard intimated that new regulations in collecting The Senate having again taken up Mr. CLAY's resoluthe revenue might make the protection to manufactures tion respecting the tariff, during life, among the few outcasts whom we have yet engendered; and if he achieve his country's ruin, when dead, the burning lava of universal hatred will roll hissing over his grave; and, though like "the aspiring youth who fired the Ephesian dome," he should acquire fame, it will be the fame of bitter and boundless abhorrence. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 28. even more effectual than it now is, and yet remove every Mr. DALLAS resumed, and occupied about two hours cause of complaint. Let gentlemen set them forth for in concluding the remarks he commenced yesterday, candid scrutiny. Shall it be by exacting the payment of duties in cash? By a system of licenses to auctioneers? By abolishing the assessment of duties on minimum values? Develop the scheme, and enable us to judge. Do you prefer attaining your purpose by specific reductions of duty? On what articles, then? to what extent? by what gradual decrease? All we desire, to enable us to prove our readiness to accommodate this entangling and distracting theme of legislation, is, that generalities may be relinquished; that an unconditional surrender to the Utopian theory of free trade may not be invoked; and that such modifications of the existing policy may be chalked out as will be useful to our opponents without being destructive to the policy itself. (which are given above entire.) Mr. FORSYTH then took the floor, and commenced a speech against the resolution. After speaking a short time, he yielded to a motion for adjournment; and The Senate adjourned. I lament, Mr. President, having been obliged, in the discharge of a supposed duty, to trespass so long upon the indulgent attention of the Senate. I would close cheerfully, and forbear, in conformity with my original determination, adverting to any topic not directly connected with the subject of discussion. One matter, however, has been incidentally introduced, and has, in truth, been often vehemently urged upon our reflection, as to which I might be deemed a faithless and unfeeling representative were WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 29. The bill reported from the Committee on Public Lands, authorizing a reduction of the price of said lands, was taken up, and considered as in Committee of the Whole. The amendments to strike out the 3d and 5th sections, and to strike out seventy-five and insert fifty cents as the price per acre, were adopted; and, after some remarks by Messrs. BUCKNER, KING, and JOHNSTON, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. THE TARIFF. The Senate having again proceeded to the special order of the day, being Mr. CLAY's resolution, Mr. FORSYTH concluded his remarks against the re THURSDAY, MARCH 1.7 PATENT OFFICE. The resolution from the House of Representatives for recording patents for useful inventions, was, on motion of Mr. SMITH, taken up for consideration. Mr. RUGGLES asked how many clerks were now in the Patent Office, and what were their duties. [MARCH 1, 1832. The ad Mr. BENTON could not say how many clerks there were, but it was stated by the superintendent that the re-sand gives the same number, and from the same States cords were forty years behindhand, and could not be brought up without the employment of extra clerks. Mr. SMITH stated that the number of clerks was small, and hardly equal to the performance of the current business of the office, without attending to the arrearages. Mr. BENTON read from the National Calendar the names of the clerks and their salaries, and made further explanations. It was never contemplated, he said, that the Patent Office should be a source of revenue; and, at present, it was one hundred and three thousand dollars in advance to the treasury. A report on the subject, from the Secretary of the Treasury, was then read. The resolution was then read a third time, and passed. APPORTIONMENT BILL. cate question for the Senate to act upon; for it respected the disposition of political power among the States of the Union. It settled the number of representatives from each State, and the number of electors of President and Vice President to be assigned to each State. Under our system of Government, this was always a delicate ques Mr. BENTON said the resolution passed the House tion, and to the Senate it presented peculiar difficulties, seven or eight weeks ago, and was of an urgent nature. since it affected States which were here all equally reprePatentees allege great losses on account of the delay and sented. Though it might seem simple to assign members difficulty which occur in procuring copies of their patents. according to numbers, yet, in this case, it was attended The papers have not been recorded for forty years; and with some embarrassment. The ratio assumed by the bill, the files must be overlooked, in search of each particular as it now stands, is forty-seven thousand seven hundredpaper. The Patent Office, so far from being a charge giving, when applied to the population of the States, two on the Government, had paid into the treasury, over and hundred and forty members to the House of Representaabove its expenses, one hundred thousand dollars and tives, and leaving fractions considerably large. upwards. ditional seven hundred produced no relative effect what ever. It neither augmented nor diminished the number of the House of Representatives, nor affected the number of representatives of any one State. Forty-seven thouwith forty-seven thousand seven hundred. The only ef fect of the seven hundred was to diminish the apparent amount of unrepresented fractions. He had come to the conclusion that the bill, in its present form, was liable to invincible constitutional obligations; but, before he considered them, he would draw the attention of the Senate to the inequality of the bill, since it was impossible that any individual should have a representative: perfect equality of representation was unattainable; but it was the object of Congress to attain to the nearest possible degree of equality. In this matter, equality was justice. This bill, assuming 47,700 as a ratio, leaves large fractions in the small States; it leaves large fractions in contiguous States. The three Southwestern States, Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi, had very large fractions; New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Vermont had each a large fraction; On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the Senate proceeded to New Jersey had a very large fraction. A little comthe consideration of the bill from the House to apportion parison will show how unequal the bill is as to these the representatives among the several States according States. Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont, and to the fifth census. New Jersey had 51,180 persons for each represen Mr. WEBSTER offered the following amendment to tative, while New York had a representative to 47,800 inhabitants; New York and Pennsylvania had fractions Strike out all after the enacting clause, and insert: amounting together to only seventeen thousand. Ver"That, from and after the 3d day of March, one thou-mont and New Hampshire, with ten members of Consand eight hundred and thirty-three, the House of Repre- gress, had fractions of seventy-three thousand. A cor. sentatives shall be composed of members, elected agreea- rected return from the southern district of New York bly to the following ratio: that is to say, one representa- gives to that State five thousand more inhabitants, whịch tive for every forty-seven thousand persons in each State, diminishes the disparity referred to, pro tanto. computed according to the rule prescribed by the consti-setts, Vermont, New Hampshire, and New Jersey had tution of the United States, and one additional member fractions amounting, in the aggregate, to 144, 168. Anofor each State whose fractional numbers, remaining after ther illustration of the unequal operation of the bill was dividing its whole numbers by forty-seven thousand as this. New York had two members more than New Eng aforesaid, shall exceed twenty-five thousand persons, the land with a population less by forty thousand than that of said number of representatives in any State not exceeding New England. Six States, with 110 members, had a fraction one for every thirty thousand persons; that is to say, with- of only forty thousand. To those, if you add North Cain the State of Maine, eight; within the State of New rolina, you have seven States, with a majority of the whole Hampshire, six; within the State of Massachusetts, thir-number of members, and a fraction of only 53,000. Verteen; within the State of Rhode Island, two; within the mont alone had a fraction of forty thousand; New England State of Connecticut, six; within the State of Vermont, had a fraction of 120 or 130,000. New Jersey and Ver. six; within the State of New York, forty-one; within the mont, with eleven members of Congress, had a fraction of State of New Jersey, seven; within the State of Pennsyl- 75,000, which was more than the whole unrepresented vania, twenty-nine; within the State of Delaware, two; population of those States whose members constitute a within the State of Maryland, nine; within the State of majority of Congress. New England had forty thousand Virginia, twenty-two; within the State of North Carolina, more inhabitants than New York, and New York had two fourteen; within the State of South Carolina, ten; within more representatives than New England. The bill also the State of Georgia, nine; within the State of Kentucky, thirteen; within the State of Tennessee, thirteen; within the State of Ohio, twenty; within the State of Indiana, seven; within the State of Louisiana, four; within the State of Missouri, three; within the State of Alabama, six; within the State of Mississippi, three; and within the State of Illinois, two." the bill: Massachu threw large fractions upon new States--upon Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana; which States, before the next census, will be vastly increased in population. In many other statements and views Mr. W. illustrated the inequa lity of the bill. He next called the attention of the Senate to the means of remedying this inequality. A just and practicable remedy was to allow representatives for large Mr. WEBSTER said this was an important and deli- fractions. The constitution prescribed that the represen 1 tatives should be apportioned among the several States ac- defy any body to find in the rejected bill what General cording to their population, meaning as near as may be. Washington said he could not find--the principle on which That there should be a precise distribution, was impos- the bill was drawn; for it was not there expressed. The sible; but it should be as nearly precise as may be. number assumed in that bill was probably obtained by diThere was no greater inequality in allowing something viding the whole representative number by thirty thou more, than in allowing something less than a number which sand, which dividend was then apportioned among the an accurate apportionment would require. We move to several States. General Washington's objection went to seek the greatest attainable degree of equality. It had this extent, and not further, that the bill seemed to apply occurred to him that, throwing aside seven hundred as no uniform principle to all the States, for he could find no immaterial to the effect of the ratio, and allowing a repre- division which would mark out the same results. How, sentative for fractions exceeding a moiety of the ratio, then, was the amendment unconstitutional? The constiwould produce greater equality, and do more justice tution looked to a division as equal as possible, and he bethan any other practicable mode. The present bill gives lieved that the proposition was strictly conformable to the 240 members. The ratio of 47,000 would also give 240 constitutional requirement. He would now make some members, while each State will send the same number to suggestions which would satisfy the Senate that the bill, in which 47,700 would entitle it. There are fifteen States its present form, was unconstitutional. It was a mere whose fractions exceed a moiety of the ratio. The amend- mathematical question. The constitution says that "rement fixes the fraction to be represented at 25,000: of these presentatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among are fifteen States, whose fractions amount to 25,000. the several States according to their respective numbers." These are distributed throughout the United States with These two hundred and forty members were not appora respectable degree of equality. There are three in the tioned according to the respective numbers of the States.. East: Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont. Four The members from each State should have the same proin the middle States: New York, Pennsylvania, New Jer- portion to the whole number of members, as the populasey, and Delaware. Four in the South: Maryland, Vir-tion of the State bears to the population of the United ginia, North and South Carolina. Two in the West: Ohio States. The whole representative population of the Unitand Missouri; and two in the Southwest, Alabama and ed States was 11,923,483. The bill proposes two hunLouisiana. It leaves unrepresented no fraction greater than dred and forty members. Let us apply the rule to the 16,000, except that of Maine, which is 23,000. It is not bill: as the whole population of the United States is to two fair to consider that as a large fraction which falls short of hundred and forty members, so should the population of a moiety of the ratio. The recommendation of the amend- New York be to her forty members. But, according to ment was, that the time would come, by the natural ope- this proportion, New York would be entitled to but thirration of events, when the old States must consent to part ty-eight members. It is evident that what New York with a considerable portion of their present representa- gains, other States must lose. Suppose, instead of two tion. He confessed that he thought it an object not at hundred and forty members, it was a tax of 240,000 dolpresent to anticipate this state of things, by depriving any lars, to be assessed upon the several States; would you put old State of a positive degree of power. He would pro- forty thousand dollars on New York, when her fair propose the reduction of the present number until it became portion was only thirty-eight thousand? Between the number 240 and the number Mr. W., after some further observations, touching the 255, as the number of the members of the House of Re- unequal operation and the unconstitutional character of presentatives, there was no difference in principle. He the bill, moved that it lie on the table. At the same time had heard many say that the principle of his amendment he gave notice that he should call it up on Monday next, was just, but that it was liable to some constitutional ob even at the risk of breaking in upon another important jections, which had their origin in the message of General debate. Several State Legislatures, now in session, were Washington, returning the first apportionment bill, in waiting for the bill. 1792. Mr. W. had come to the conclusion that the principle was constitutional, if the bill, in its whole frame, was constitutional. The bill of 1792 was rejected, because, instead of apportioning the representatives among the several States according to a ratio, it assumed a certain number of representatives, and distributed them among the several States, assigning to each State its number of representatives, without laying down the rule. Mr. W. here read the passage, which objected to the bill, that there was no one number, on division, which would yield the number of members in this bill, and that it allotted to eight of the States more than one representative for every thirty thousand, contrary to an express provision of the constitution. There was a strong disposition on the part of Congress at that time to increase the number of the House of Representatives. None of the objections urged in the message apply to this amendment. It gives to no State a number of representatives exceeding one for each thirty thousand. The objection, that there is no one division which will yield the number of members proposed, It is not denied that Congress has claimed and exercised does not now touch the amendment. General Washing- this power, from the commencement of the Government ton did not mean such a division as would divide the re- to this hour; that it is now in practical operation; and that presentative numbers of cach State without having any never, till since 1828, has it been seriously, if at all, quesremainder. His objection, he understood, went to the tioned, by any party, at any time. necessary. The bill was laid on the table. FRIDAY, MARCH 2. THE TARIFF. The Senate then again proceeded to the consideration of Mr. CLAY's resolution, together with the amendment proposed thereto by Mr. HAYNE. Mr. ROBBINS, of Rhode Island, rose, and addressed the Senate as follows: The question before us, as I take it, is one of expediency. Is it expedient to give to the industry of the country the market of the country, by means of protecting duties, in preference to leaving that market open to the equal competition of foreign industry without restriction? I know it has been urged here, and much insisted on elsewhere, that the expediency is not the only question; that a prior and paramount question is, has Congress the power, the constitutional power, to do this? fact that there was no equal ratio applicable to all the There are two or three reflections, which, if duly weighStates. If the bill had said there should be one member ed, I should think would satisfy every reflecting mind that for every forty thousand, and one for every fraction of Congress, in exercising this power, has not usurped un25,000, it would have had a ratio which, though complex, delegated power. was equal in its operation upon all the States. He would If the power of taxation, ad libitum in amount, be in Congress, the exercise of that power must be discretionary with Congress; and whether, in any given instance, it shall be exercised, or to what extent it shall be exercised, must always be a question of expediency, and never can be a question of constitutional right. Now, the power of taxation is expressly given to Congress, and given without limitation as to the amount of revenue to be raised by it. That amount is left to the discretion of Congress. Again: The regulation of commerce with foreign nations is expressly given to Congress, and given without restriction. Now, a tariff of duties on imports is strictly and literally a regulation of commerce with foreign nations; and whether that tariff shall be higher, or lower, or what it shall be, must be a question of expediency, and cannot be a question of constitutional right. Besides, this power, as has been well stated, and ably argued by the honorable gentleman from Tennessee, is essential to national sovereignty; and to deny it to our Government, would be, so far, to lay our country prostrate at the feet of every other sovereignty in the world. If all other sovereignties could wield this power against us, (as, undoubtedly, they can, and do,) and we could not wield it against them in self-defence- -but the supposition is intolerable, and I will not carry out the idea, and depict the consequences. [MARCH 2, 1832. quential of a scheme of national policy, must be, it is difficult to say enough for demonstration, without saying too much for patient attention. I will endeavor, however, to do the one, and to avoid, if possible, doing the other. Permit me to premise a few remarks. We have a great country, possessing great natural resources yet to be developed, and a people, of all others, the best fitted to develop them--a nation of freemen, animated with the spirit, and possessing all the energies of freedom; remarkable for their intelligence, their activity, and their enterprise; sagacious, inventive, and fertile in resource; prompt and bold in adventure; ardent and indefatigable in pursuit. They are a hive without drones; all are active, all on the wing, every where, and ransacking every field that promises profit; in a country, too, where no mortmain, no perpetuities, prevent alienation and check circulation; where the accumulations of one generation are broken down in the next by distribution; where every new gene ration is made up of individuals thrown upon their own resources to make their way in the world for themselves; where there is no passport to distinction but eminent merit, and where that is an infallible passport; where the first abilities and the highest virtues connected, whatever may be their birth, vindicate their way to the first places in society-to the highest honors of the nation. For what American, justly proud of his nation, could Now, what are those natural resources to be developed brook, for a moment, the idea of a crippled and subordinate by this people, so fitted to develop them? They are many; sovereignty, that could not meet any other and every other a few only of the more prominent need now be indicat national sovereignty, with power against power, with pre-ed. There is the capital in our domain and its fertility; rogative against prerogative, as an equal? National sove-in its mineral treasures, not yet fully explored, but show. reignties, whatever may be the form of the National Govern- ing themselves in parts all over our country, and boundless ment, have all the same attributes; otherwise, they would in extent; its means of artificial power, by water and by not be equal and independent sovereignties. God forbid steam, also boundless, and every where diffused; a domain that this Government should ever admit the idea, or act more immense and more valuable than ever was possessed upon the idea, of being an inferior, and, therefore, a degraded sovereignty! If, then, you admit (and who will deny it?) that our Government may exert this power against other Governments, to vindicate our equal and just rights, you give up the whole controversy; for then you admit the existence of the power in the Government. The power being admitted, its exercise, in all cases, must be regulated by the discretion of Congress. before by any other people; a domain that combines the elements of a world within itself; and when it shall be filled up with its happy millions, when all its faculties shall be unfolded, will rival Europe, will not be less in numbers, and will be far superior in condition. If our ener gies are directed by our true policy, the rising generation will not all have passed away before these things come. The infant born to-day may live to see that. Add to all How, then, I ask, can it be contended that, in exercis- this, our physical resource in the labor of our great and ing this power, Congress has usurped undelegated power? growing population, aided by their peerless mental ener If, instead of saying this, you vary your language, and gies. Labor--here lies the source of all wealth; this is the say that Congress, in fixing a tariff of duties on imports, mine of all mines to work for its production, for its issues with a view to protection, has abused discretionary power, are unceasing and inexhaustible. To open and fully to it brings the inquiry precisely to what I stated it to be-an develop this resource is to strike upon the fountain of na inquiry as to the expediency of the protecting policy. tional wealth; to open the spring-head of, and to realize, And let it be recollected that the question is not, whether the fabled Pactolus, whose copious and unfailing stream a new policy, and hitherto unknown to the Government, was a stream of gold. Nothing, nothing is so omnipotent shall now be adopted; but whether a policy, coeval with in producing national wealth as the labor of a nation profitathe Government itself, which has now been pursued for bly directed and fully developed. forty years and upwards, and with a gradually increasing We shall all agree, I suppose, that it would be benefi intensity; which is now in the full tide of experiment; with cial to the country to have all her resources fully developed; which interests, almost too vast to be calculated, and hard-that the policy which would have this effect is her true ly to be conceived, have grown up and are interwoven, policy; that, if it be the only policy that could have this ef and on which they are dependent--the question now is,fect, it would be unwise not to adopt it; and that, if the whether this policy shall be continued, or shall be aban- protecting be that very policy, it ought to be continued. doned. Though this is really the question; though these What, then, is the natural and necessary operation of the considerations carry with them an imposing weight towards protecting policy?--I mean if it be effectively followed out settling this question; yet I am not willing to rest it, and according to its principle, and to the extent of its principle. Its primary effect is to give to the country, in time, and rapidly, too, a body of manufactures equal to the supply of the demand for all the wants of all the country; and beyond, for exportation to other countries, to an indefinite but very great amount. Already, though we are but in the infancy With your indulgence I will attempt, as briefly as I can, of this policy, our export of manufactures stands next in to lay before you the grounds of that conviction. In a mul-importance to the export of tobacco, and that is next in tifarious and extremely complicated question, as one in- importance to cotton: cotton stands first. The exports of volving effects immediate and remote, direct and conse-manufactures, proceeding as they have hitherto proceeded, leave it to be decided on these considerations: for I am convinced that the policy is the true policy of this country; and that, if it had never been adopted, it ought now to be adopted; that we are invited to it by other considerations, that are irresistible. * Mr. Grundy. will soon exceed in value that of tobacco. Perhaps it will not soon rival in value the export of cotton; but if the |