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SENATE.]

The British Colonial Trade.

[DEC. 22, 1831.

Mr. S. had not intended, when he rose, to say more than a few words on the subject. He confessed that he was not fully prepared; that he had spoken from recollection only; had looked into no document, but had been induced to make these remarks in consequence of what had fallen from the Senator from Maine.

if he [Mr. S.] was well informed, (and he believed he never complained, although some of them might have was,) few States will produce more new tonnage for this thought that it was of no consequence to them who cartrade than the State of Maine. Mr. S. remarked that he ried their produce; yet they submitted, like good citizens, had been informed that the commerce of Maine had in- to a policy that was for the general interest. creased most rapidly since this arrangement had been) It is idle, said Mr. S., to assert that the navigating inmade, and that the merchants had attributed the increase terest has suffered from the effect of the opening of the mainly to the opening of the West India trade; that they trade to the British colonies. Every circumstance conhad full employment for their sawmills, the rents having tradicts the assertion. When, or at what time, were the risen full twenty-five per cent. If these facts be correct, shipyards as fully employed in building as at present? he [Mr. S.] could not understand that the navigating in- When was the commerce of our country more active or terest had suffered any injury, but, on the contrary, had more flourishing than at present? When were the wages derived benefit from the arrangement made for the colo- of all persons employed in ship-building higher than at nial trade with Great Britain. present? In fine, when was our nation more flourishing The Senator from Maine, said Mr. S., read yesterday a and happy than at the present day? If the navigating inschedule of duties presented by Mr. Herries to the House terest has suffered, the loss, if any, is fully compensated of Commons, and reasoned upon it as if it had passed, and by the great advantage derived from the open trade to had become a law. He showed, what was the fact, that the agricultural interest, which he [Mr. S.] should and it would have imposed such duties as would nearly have did consider as the predominant interest; one which has annihilated all the advantages which had been expected never received any special advantage from the Governto result from the opening of the islands to our commerce. ment, but in many instances had been oppressed. But, Mr. President, was it fair, was it acting with candor, We legislate, Mr. President, for the whole, as one to attempt to pass on the Senate as a law a schedule that great whole; and in commercial legislation advantages never had been acted upon-that, in fact, was no law? will arise to one portion of the Union that cannot be enIt is well known, said Mr. S., that Mr. Herries had been joyed by others. What special interest have the Western one of the late ministry of Great Britain, and had retired States in navigation? How small is the interest of the from office a few days after he had presented his schedule; Southern States in it? Yet we have seen those States that he [Mr. S.] had said yesterday, that he well remem- invariably promoting this interest. bered the schedule having been presented, but, as far as his recollection enabled him to say, he felt confident that the schedule had never passed into a law. He had since reflected on the subject, and would now say that the schedule referred to never had become a law; that it had died a natural death, as some of our own propositions do at every session. He [Mr. S.] admitted that new regula- Mr. HOLMES observed that the Senator from Marytions, perhaps a law, had been made; that he had seen land was certainly correct in saying that he did not underthem; and that they were, in his opinion, highly beneficial stand the matter under discussion, or he would not have to the United States. Some of them he would mention made the statements he did yesterday, and repeated tofrom memory. Salted beef and pork had been prohibited day, that the British Government had laid no discriminatby the act of 1825; they were now admitted into their ing duties on the American trade with the West Indies. colonies on a moderate duty. Much of the produce of the If they had not, how then, said Mr. H., could our agriUnited States is admitted into Canada, and sent even to culture of the interior be benefited at the expense of the the mother country, as if it were the produce of Canada. commerce of the Atlantic, the British tariff remaining Flour is not: it must be deposited in the public store, and precisely the same? How could the arrangement of Mr. exported agreeably to the act of 1825. If taken out for McLane produce any such advantages as those claimed in consumption, it must pay the duty imposed by that act. the President's message? Sir, when the outlets to the But flour made from the wheat of the United States is Atlantic are closed, our produce will rush out through the free, as if made from the grain of Canada, and may be ex-Canadas; but I do not understand, when the Atlantic door ported even to England, where it will be admitted when is opened, how our agriculture of the interior can be so our flour is not, as is well known. Here, then, said Mr. much benefited when our tonnage is apparently so inS., is an immense advantage to our farmers of Ohio, jured. When the gentleman from Maryland had made Michigan, part of Pennsylvania, New York, and Vermont. himself acquainted with the subject, Mr. H. would be But, said the Senator from Maine, is it right that, for the pleased to be informed on these points. Mr. H. observed, advantage to those States, the navigating interest should that, before the arrangement of Mr. McLane, we had a very be destroyed by depriving it of the carrying of those pro- valuable circuitous trade with the British, which was rapidly ducts? These benefits were gratuitous on the part of increasing; but by the new arrangement it appeared to be Great Britain; they form no part of the arrangement for considerably diminishing. As he understood the gentlethe colonial trade; they might have been adopted by Great Britain if no arrangement had ever been made, and would have produced precisely the same effect as to the navigating interest. There may be, and he [Mr. S.] thought there was, some addition of duty in the new regulations, differing from those in the act of 1825, but, as far as he could recollect, they were unimportant.

man not to object to the passage of the resolution, he should not now enter into elaborate arguments in support of the positions he had assumed; but when the matter should again come before the Senate, with the answer of the President, he would undertake to show that we had relinquished a productive trade for one less valuable; that we had, instead of abolishing a circuitous trade, made one Mr. S. then said that he had been a merchant, and had still more circuitous, for the benefit of the British, and always been attentive to the interests of navigation in both carried on in British instead of American vessels. He Houses of Congress, but he had never lost sight of the would undertake to show what was the state of our cominterest of agriculture: on that all-important interest we merce in 1821, what was the tonnage employed in it, and, depend; and if the agriculturist has now obtained an ad- carrying it down to 1830, show how it stood then; and, vantage to the injury of the navigating interest, (which he said he, if the President will undertake to show us how it utterly denied,) it is for the first time. The agriculturists has stood since, we shall be able to appreciate the mighty have been deprived of a free and open market for their advantages gained to us under this much lauded arrangeproduce, for nearly half a century; and for what, he ment. He would undertake to show that we had sacrificed would ask? To subserve the interest of navigation. They enough, heaven knew; that we had gone down on our

Dec. 23 to 28, 1831.]

Armament of Fortifications.

[SENATE.

marrow-bones to the British, and begged them to take all Maryland is equally unfortunate. He [Mr. H.] did not we were so anxious to give them, and that they were not object to the practice supposed by that resolution, on the slow to avail themselves of the advantages so liberally ground that it was a fraud on the revenues of Great Briheld out to them. The gentleman from Maryland had tain. It is of no importance to us how much the British committed, as he had before observed, a great error in navigators in this trade avoid British duties, unless by supposing that the British had laid no discriminating duties it they gain an advantage over our navigation. And it on our trade with the West Indies. He was positive that then does become a ground of complaint. Our products, they had, and he would tell the gentleman where he say flour and lumber, carried to their Northern colonies, might find the law. It was published in the British Albion pay a very trifling, or no duty, whether in American or a few months ago; he would not positively say it was the British vessels, and thus far the trade is apparently on an identical schedule prepared by Mr. Herries; but, if it was equal footing. But these products must be transported not that, it was one far more obnoxious. The gentleman thence to the Southern colonies in British vessels excluhad fallen into another error, which he would take the sively: for this is, by British construction, "coasting Eberty of correcting. So far from its taking our mer- trade," in which we are not permitted to participate. chants a long time to determine how to shape their Again: British and American vessels can on equal terms voyages, the vessels were actually loaded, and waiting to clear from our ports for the West Indies, and go directly sail as soon as they heard of the West India ports being there. But let it be remembered that the duties in this opened; and some of them, when they arrived in the direct voyage on these articles amount to a prohibition. British West Indies, found that they had no business there, Now it will be readily perceived that an American vessel and were forced to carry their cargoes to a port of de- could not, but a British vessel could, under a false clearposite. As to our vessels being blocked up by the ice, ance from St. John's, clear from Richmond for the West that was out of the question. Do we not know that our Indies, and enter there by her clearance from St. John's, vessels go to the West India ports all the winter? Why, and thus avoid the duty. This would avoid the delay insaid Mr. H., those are the very places in winter they cident to a circuitous voyage, and operate a saving of should go to; so that, for ten months at least, we might from $400 to $600 on each cargo. And, as this circuitous have had the benefit of the trade. voyage would be of no manner of benefit to the British, The calculation of the Senator from Maryland must be and the direct voyage would throw all the carrying into wild indeed, if he supposes that three months must tran- their hands, I, said Mr. H., can see no obstacle to the spire after the President's proclamation of the 5th Octo-British custom-houses giving countenance to such a transber, 1830, before the West India trade could be commenced action. Whether the Executive has any information, or by us. If the trade offered any prospect of benefit, every can obtain any, may be doubtful; at least, we can ask. If adventurer would be watching and ready to embrace it. such a practice is indulged, and should become general, The Americans not prepared for the trade! What, sir, the whole carrying trade will inevitably go to the British. when the President's proclamation had opened it to the The resolutions were then agreed to. British for two months, and we were expecting it every day to be opened to us, and we not prepared for it! No, sir, the merchants were much better prepared to understand this trade, than the Senator is to discuss the subject. and resolutions, and in acting on sundry private bills; and This day's sitting was spent in the reception of petitions If the trade were worth any thing, they had ample time to find it out. And pray, sir, what was the wonderful change which required so much deliberation before our merchants could venture? We had hitherto furnished the British colonies through certain ports of deposite: if, instead of these, we could go direct to the places of consumption, did it require much time for deliberation how to manage? Time for those who understood a circuitous voyage, to consider how to manage a direct one? Now, this is wonderful. The merchants must have time to arrange their correspondence, procure proper vessels for the trade, and assort their cargoes. And pray, sir, if the trade were worth a thought, would they not be doing all "Be it enacted, &c. That the sum of one million of this from the moment of the President's proclamation? dollars be, and the same is hereby, appropriated, for the Proper vessels! Sir, I would ask the Senator whether a purchase of timber, iron, and other necessary materials vessel fit for the trade to St. Barts and St. Thomas would for artillery carriages, and for providing the cannon, mornot be as fit for Barbadoes or Jamaica? And I confess I tars, cannon shot, shells, &c. for the armament of the cannot well discover why an assorted cargo for British new fortifications, and such of the old fortifications as, in consumption, through a Danish or Swedish port, would the opinion of the President, ought to be armed: Pronot be just as good an assortment when transported divided, That a sum not exceeding two hundred thousand rect. But I shall have a word to say about assorted car- dollars be annually applied to the purposes aforesaid. goes when the information comes which is called for by "SEC. 2. That the moneys appropriated by this act the resolutions. shall not be transferred to any other object of expendiIn regard to the period it did require after the procla- ture, nor shall any part thereof be carried to the fund demation of the 5th October, before information was re- nominated the surplus fund." "

then

FRIDAY, DECEMBER 23.

The Senate adjourned to Tuesday next.

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 27.

This day's sitting was spent in disposing of a variety of petitions and other private business.

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 28.
ARMAMENT OF FORTIFICATIONS.
The Senate took up the following bill:

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turned, he [Mr. H.] spoke from recollection only, and he [The annual appropriation has heretofore been one so stated. The Senator from Maryland, it seems, does hundred thousand dollars. The present bill was intronot pretend to know, but he speaks from conjecture. duced by Mr. SMITH, on leave, and was referred to the Now, that information might go and return in sixty days, Committee on Military Affairs, which committee reported doubt; indeed, it is about the ordinary time. the bill with a recommendation that it be rejected. AcWhat time the news that the British ports were open to cordingly, when the bill came up to-day,]

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us did arrive, he did not pretend to state precisely, but Mr. BENTON, in pursuance of instructions from the mihe was pretty sure it was in December; it might be little litary committee, moved that it be indefinitely postponed. more than two months after the proclamation. Mr. SMITH said he should have been glad to concur

In his remarks on the third resolution, the Senator from with the committee in their motion for an indefinite post

SENATE.]

exertion in its favor.

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ponement of the bill under consideration, had they given which could not be left unprovided for by Congress, but any satisfactory reasons for their motion. He believed was a mere measure of convenience, not of necessity, now, and he had long believed, that an additional appro- which might well be dispensed with without any real loss priation for the purpose of providing for the national de- or disadvantage to the country. He conceived that the fence was a measure not only desirable, but highly argument of the gentleman from Maryland, that this meaimportant and necessary, as a precautionary step to pre- sure was necessary to enable the country to avoid the vent the danger of a sudden invasion from a hostile force, danger of sudden invasion, was one which the present and the losses and disgrace unavoidably resulting from en-situation of this country, with respect to foreign Powers, tering into a war unprepared. Ten years since he had did not support. He could discover nothing in the poliprepared and introduced a similar bill into that House,tical aspect at this time, indicating a danger that would which had been submitted to the then Secretary of War warrant the making so large an appropriation, or, in fact, for his opinion upon the propriety of bringing it forward, any additional appropriation for the purpose of arming and which had been warmly approved by him, and the fortifications. He did not think that any European earnestly recommended to the favorable consideration of nation was disposed to enter into a war with this country. Congress. He had expressed some doubts of his being There was, on the contrary, abundant evidence of their able to carry it through both Houses of the Legislature, disposition to cultivate the friendly relations now subsistbut considered it of sufficient importance to demand their ing between them, and which it was the determination of this Government to reciprocate. But if there should a The engineer of the department had also deemed the rupture take place with any foreign Power, there would provisions of that bill of so much importance as to induce undoubtedly be sufficient warning given to the country him to make a particular reference to it in his report, as to enable them to prepare for the event. having been introduced into the Senate, and the Presi- situated like the nations of Europe, in the neighborhood dent was also favorably disposed towards it. That report, of powerful and warlike rivals, with armies restless from said Mr. S., tells us that it will take twenty years to com- inactivity, and ready to invade the territories of contiguplete the armament of these fortifications, according to ous Powers at the command of their sovereign. We were the present sum appropriated for that purpose. Now, in situated at so great a distance from any powerful nation, the event of war with any foreign Power within that that the argument which the gentleman had used, though period, he would ask the gentleman how they were to it might apply to Europe, was quite inapplicable to our prevent these fortifications from becoming an easy prey country. If at any time the aspect of affairs should be to the enemy. They would be destitute of the necessary even threatening, it might then be advisable to make an weapons of defence, and of course fall into the hands of appropriation of this nature. But, as we were now the hostile troops, who would take possession of the forts, situated, there were other objects far more deserving of and blow them up. It was the object of the bill now be- our attention. He should oppose this measure, on the fore the Senate to prevent an occurrence of this kind principle that it was inexpedient to grant an appropriation from again disgracing the nation. It was founded on the of one hundred thousand dollars at this time to any object same basis, and embraced the same principles as those that could well be dispensed with, or which was not absowhich had been advanced by the previous bill. It was lutely necessary to meet the exigencies of the country. intended to be similar in its effects with those of the pre- He was sorry to see the national expenditures regularly vious appropriations. There was no difference in the increasing, and such a disposition to augment them still principle between this bill and that system which had long more. since been matured and carried into effect by the states- Mr. B. added, that the measure was not supported by men of a former period, whose wisdom had been appre- any recommendation from the Executive branch of the ciated and acknowledged by the nation. It was only an Government. The committee had, according to usage, extension of this principle which was proposed by the sent the bill to the Secretary of War, by whom it was present bill. He had taken the pains to prepare and returned, without objection, but without any particular introduce it, and he thought it was a measure of great recommendation. importance, deserving the deliberate consideration of Congress.

Mr. SMITH replied that he was equally unwilling with the gentleman from Missouri to enter into unnecessary Mr. S. then went into a statement, exhibiting the pre- and extravagant expenditures of the public money; but sent situation of the various armories of the United States, we had erected fortifications at great expense, and he and to show that the present amount of the appropriation thought it a prudent and necessary measure to provide (one hundred thousand dollars) for the purpose of pro- them with arms for their defence; otherwise, they would viding arms and other necessaries for the defence of the be in danger of being destroyed by the first enemy that country, was too diminutive to be an inducement for Go- might appear on our shores, and choose to advance against vernment contractors to make proposals for arming or them. Notwithstanding the reasons that have been urged completing the fortifications, or to prevent the head of by the gentleman, he was still disposed to consider this that department from making annual demands for new ap-appropriation a measure of prudent foresight and wise propriations. This bill, by increasing the appropriation precaution. In answer to the argument that we were not to two hundred thousand dollars yearly, would obviate liable to be called into sudden war, he would appeal to these objections, and perhaps induce the contractors to the facts which were well known that transpired during undertake the arming and completion of the public works the last war. At that time we found ourselves engaged twenty per cent. cheaper than they would do it now. It with one of the most powerful nations of the world, prowould also enable them to complete the armament in ten vided at every point for attack or defence, in a contest years, or one-half the time that was required by the pre- which threatened the existence of our liberty, and on our sent plan. This Mr. S. considered an object of great part totally unprepared. I was at Baltimore, said Mr. S., importance, as it would require no more of the public when the British troops approached that city, and witnessfunds to complete the works in ten years, than would be ed the evils of neglecting in time of peace to prepare for necessary if they were delayed twenty years. He could war. I was engaged at that time in examining the fortress not see the propriety of an indefinite postponement. below the city, to ascertain its ability to stand the expectMr. BENTON said that the grounds on which the ed attack, and found but five guns in that important committee had recommended an indefinite postponement fortress on which to rely for the defence of the fort and of this measure, were, that it was of a character not en- of the city. In this dilemma he was induced, from the titling it to be ranked with those necessary appropriations necessity of the case, to apply his private fortune to pro

DEC. 28, 1831.]

Armament of Fortifications.

[SENATE.

vide for the deficiency of the public appropriations. The ment of the object which was embraced in this bill. NotGovernment had left the works unarmed, and unprovided withstanding which, this measure proposed to change the with the necessary means of defence. We found our- entire system, without giving any reasons for doing so, selves engaged in a war, and our country actually invaded without the slightest prospect of war, or any evidence that by the enemy, before the fortifications were armed, which the measure was called for, either by the exigencies of were necessary to save the country from being ravaged, the country, without being recommended by the Presiand the public buildings and monuments from destruction. dent or the officers of the Navy or War Department, by How, said Mr. S., can we expect to get through another appropriating one million of dollars for this purpose-a war with safety or success, without providing now, while sum larger than had ever before been appropriated for we are at peace, and have the means, for future events such an object. The measure appeared to be of a novel of this nature, which it was natural to suppose would character, and was thus regarded by the committee to again occur? War will come, and without such an appro- which it was referred, and which had recommended its priation we must get through it as we did before, by acci- indefinite postponement. The gentleman from Maryland dent. His friend from New Jersey had expressed the [Mr. SMITH] had intimated that the Executive would, opinion that we were not in want of arms; we had already probably, look with favor upon this measure; but it was as many as were necessary, and if we had more, he did one that involved high responsibility, and which should not not know what we should do with them. This, Mr. S. be volunteered in advance upon a mere suggestion that the considered mere anticipation-nothing more. He wished Government would not oppose it. He was opposed to the bill might not be indefinitely postponed. the course pursued, and was of opinion that the bill should Mr. HOLMES said, in answer to the gentleman from not be acted on without having emanated from the proper Maryland, [Mr. SMITH,] that he did not consider that the source, and passed the channel through which such meafact of our having been in some measure unprepared for sures usually come. This responsibility should not be the last war at its commencement, any argument in proof incurred, or this large expenditure of the public money of the position that we should again be unprepared for granted by Congress, without the particular recommensuch an event, if we took into consideration the extensive dation of the President, or the heads of departments. The preparations which had been made for the national defence gentleman from Maryland had said that it would take within the last twenty years. Our navy had rapidly in- twenty years to complete the arming of the forts, accordcreased in magnitude and power; our seaboard was lined ing to the present appropriation. But, sir, said Mr. H., with fortresses, and our armories filled with munitions it will probably take that time to finish the fortifications and arms, ready for use whenever occasion might re- themselves, and there would be time enough to think of quire. The gentleman from Maryland had appealed to arming them after they were completed. The gentleman the last war in proof of the argument of our liability to had made use of an argument in support of his measure, danger and sudden surprise. If his recollection served which was wise in itself, but which had been much abused him, Mr. H. said it was not England, but the United in this country; he alluded to the maxim, “in peace preStates, that struck the first blow in that contest; and if we pare for war." It was an argument which had been made were unprepared for it, it was our own fault. He did not use of on almost every occasion, for almost every purpose, apprehend this argument would have much force when in support of the wildest schemes of legislation. If prowe consider the situation of this country, and its relations tection was wanted for a manufacturing establishment, it to foreign Powers. He did not agree with the gentle- must be granted, because the soldier must have a woollen man's assertion, that we should be unable to sustain a war coat. If an appropriation was wanted to fill with pap the if an event of that nature should again occur. He had no fears or apprehension of this description to alarm him, and urge him into extraordinary appropriations for safety or defence. But, if the gentleman's argument of danger and surprise was correct, he did not see the propriety of doubling that danger, for now the enemy could only take It had been urged that this appropriation was necessary the naked fortifications; but, if this measure was adopted, to prevent surprise and danger. But, said Mr. H., there they would have an opportunity not only to destroy the forts, is nothing in the nature of the circumstances with which but take possession of the arms also. If we made this appro- we are surrounded to make this appropriation necessary. priation, it would be necessary to go still further, and The settled policy of the country was peace with all naprovide for the manning of the forts, by raising a suitable tions. It was undoubtedly a wise policy, and one in which army, to prevent those arms from becoming weapons of the nation would persevere. From the nations of Europe attack instead of defence. there was nothing to be apprehended. It was undoubtedly In conclusion, Mr. H. observed that he considered the the interest of the whole world to be at peace with the present appropriation amply sufficient, and should not people of the United States. Peace was the natural conbe in favor of granting an increased sum for this purpose,dition of this country, and it was for that condition that while the political horizon was as clear as it at present we ought to legislate, not for war, which none here might appeared to be, and gave no indication of immediate dan-live to see. ger from any quarter. If there should be any apprehen- There was another observation made use of by the gension in future of a war, it would then be proper to make tleman from Maryland, namely, that he was at a loss to further provision; and a few weeks, or a few months, at know what should be done with the surplus revenue. On least, would be a sufficient time to enable them to procure this score Mr. H. felt no anxiety. We had seen bills rearms, and make the necessary preparations for defence. ported demanding appropriations of more than ten millions Mr. HAYNE said that he was opposed not only to the of dollars. Mr. H. said his method to avoid the perplexity provisions of the bill, but he objected to the manner in in which the gentleman seemed to be, was simple and which it was brought forward. He considered that it was natural-it was to leave the surplus money in the pockets an advisable course to mark out and mature some plan of of the people, where it belonged, and from whence it proceeding, and adhere to it; such a plan had been adopt-could not be rightfully taken, without the exigencies of ed in regard to arming the fortifications, and had received the Government indispensably required it. the sanction of the Government, and he thought it should The gentleman from Missouri had remarked that our be strictly adhered to. By this plan, a provision was expenditures were annually increasing, notwithstanding made for the gradual perfection of the national defence, the cry of retrenchment and reform; and he saw no prosby an appropriation of $100,000 annually for the advance-pect of amendment. Ever since he had had the honor of a

hungry jaws of some Government contractor, the same maxim was made to apply successfully to justify the demand. Thus, whenever an appropriation for any purpose was wanted, this favorite maxim was always at hand to sanction the measure.

SENATE.]

Duty on Alum Salt.

[DEC. 29, 30, 1831.

NAYS.-Messrs. Bibb, Dallas, Dudley, Johnston,
Knight, Silsbee, Smith.-7.
So the bill was rejected.

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 29.

seat in the Senate, Mr. H. said, the expenditures of the Government had been rapidly increasing. The gentleman from Maryland had asked, what are we to do with our money? [Mr. SMITH interrupted Mr. H. to say that he had not made use of the expression.] Mr. H. said he stood corrected. It was an expression which was usual on Agreeably to notice given, Mr. BENTON asked and such occasions, and he had understood the gentleman to obtained leave to introduce a bill to abolish the duty on have used it. He concluded with the hope that the gen-alum salt; which was introduced accordingly, and read the tleman from Maryland would set an example of retrench- first time.

ment, and show a disposition not to go beyond the neces- The remainder of the sitting was spent on petitions and sary appropriations to meet the unavoidable expenses of private bills.

the Government.

FRIDAY, DECEMBER 30,

DUTY ON ALUM SALT.

He hoped they would see the necessity of lightening the public burdens, and that neither the idle apprehension of war, nor any other motive, would induce Congress to pursue a course of extravagant expenditure, or adopt| The bill to abolish the duty on alum salt having receiv unconstitutional modes of disposing of the surplus reve-ed its second reading, a motion was made by Mr. BENTON nue. Their attention could not be too earnestly directed to refer it to the Committee on Finance.

to the removal of unequal and excessive taxation. He Mr. CLAY thought that the bill ought to take another should oppose the bill on the ground that it was one of a direction, and be referred to the Committee on Manufac numerous class that were not called for by the real neces-tures. Not perceiving the chairman of that committee in sity arising from the condition of the country; and for the his place-[At that moment Mr. DICKERSON caught the purpose of obtaining the deliberate and marked expression eye of Mr. C., who gave way to him.] of the sense of the Senate in deciding the question, he would call for the yeas and nays.

On the con

Mr. DICKERSON said that, in some points of view, it might be proper to give to the bill the direction suggested Mr. SMITH replied that there was something extraor-by the gentleman from Kentucky. It interfered with an dinary in the argument of the gentleman from South Caro-important part of our manufactures. He therefore moved lina. His reasoning seemed to convey the idea that they its reference to the Committee on Manufactures. were wide apart in their views, when, in fact, they were of Mr. CLAY said that he considered this question, althe same opinion. He agreed with the gentleman entirely. though one merely of reference, as involving some importHe was as much in favor of retrenchment as any gentle-ance. If it was committed to the Committee on Finance, man who heard him, and was equally averse to entering such a commitment would imply that the home manuinto any extravagant and useless expenditures. There had facture was unworthy of any consideration. been a charge of this kind made during the preceding trary, a reference of it to the Committee on Manufactures year, which had induced the people to examine into the would require of that committee a full consideration of the correctness of the assertion. A committee had been ap-effect upon the manufacturer and the consumer, likely to pointed for the express purpose of making a strict inquiry; be produced by a still further reduction of the duty on salt. and, after carefully investigating the subject, they reported It has been said that if we withdraw from the Committee that they found nothing of that character. There had on Finance articles subject to duty, because the manufacbeen large appropriations for purposes of internal im-tures of the country might be affected, that committee provement, but nothing had been done to provide for the would have nothing to do. But was it not equally true armament of the fortifications. The bill now before the that, if all subjects, touching the revenue, were, for that Senate was of the same character and description with that which had heretofore been passed and carried into effect for the gradual increase of the navy. It was to that provision, and that principle, that we were indebted for the present prosperous condition of our naval armament. The statesman who proposed and carried that measure into effect, acted on the same principle which he was now advocating. The wisdom of that measure was universally acknowledged, and its advantages appreciated by the nation. Such a measure, said Mr. S., could not be carried through Congress at this day. The gentleman from Maine had said that we should increase the danger by adopting this bill. In answer to that objection, he observed, that though it was true that we were destitute of regular troops, we should never want for men to defend these works; the spirit of patriotism which pervaded the hearts of freemen would never suffer them to permit a foreign enemy to take their arms from their hands with impunity. There was no danger of our incurring this disgrace; it was not men but arms that were wanted.

Mr. BENTON made a few remarks in reply to Mr. SMITH, and in further explanation of the views of the military committee in recommending the rejection of the bill; when

The question being taken on the indefinite postponement, it was decided in the affirmative, as follows:

YEAS.-Messrs. Bell, Benton, Brown, Buckner, Clay, Dickerson, Ewing, Foot, Forsyth, Frelinghuysen, Grundy, Hanna, Hayne, Hill, Holmes, Kane, Mangum, Marcy, Miller, Moore, Prentiss, Robbins, Robinson, Ruggles, Seymour, Tomlinson, Troup, Tyler, White, Wilkins.-31.

reason, to be withdrawn from the Committee on Manufac tures, and assigned to the Committee on Finance, the Committee on Manufactures would have nothing to do? The respective provinces of the two committees were plainly marked by the nature of the two classes of articles liable to duties. One is produced or manufactured within, the other out of the country-one is the protected class, the other unprotected. Whatever falls directly within the system of protection, appertains to the Committee on Manufactures, and the unprotected class to the Committee on Finance.

This was not a time to discuss the propriety of a further reduction of the duty on salt. Such a time would doubtless occur in the progress of the session. But he must say that it struck him to be inexpedient so soon again to legislate on the subject. In May, 1830, Congress had repealed one-half of the duty then existing, the repeal as to five cents to take effect on the 31st of December of that year, and as to the other five, on the 31st of December of this year, that is, to-morrow. Whatever may be the policy of a country, all concurred in the utility of its being steady and settled. It did seem to him to be reasonable to wait while to see the practical effect of the law of 1830, at least to see all parts of it go into operation before we again acted. He was aware of the necessity of adapting the revenue of the country to the expenditure of the country, after the extinction of the public debt; and, for the purpose of a proper arrangement of the revenue, he was willing now to act on the supposition of the entire payment of the small remnant of the debt. But, whatever was done, he trusted that the system of protection would be

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