Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

SENATE.]

Appropriation Bill.

[APRIL 20, 1832.

ces what they may, though we should be destined to be without losing in any degree their high standing as devot placed in the forlorn condition described by my colleague, ed party men. It is clear, therefore, that, in relation to with "our hands against every man, and every man's internal improvements, there is no principle sustained by hand against us," yet will we not abandon the contest. We the administration. And, even with regard to the adminshall struggle hard, and struggle long, to bring back this istration itself, is it not ridiculous for any man to pretend Government to sound principles; to arrest, if possible, its that it has any fixed principles in relation to internal imdownward course. We shall strive to restore it to the sim-provements? One bill is vetoed, and another approv plicity and purity from which it has so widely, I had almost ed, embracing appropriations resting on the very same said so fatally, departed. Sir, the principles for which we principles. To-day, we are told that it is unconstitutional to shall thus struggle to the last, are those of Thomas Jeffer- vote money to the Maysville road, and to-morrow a bill is son. I know they have long been discarded from the pub- passed giving away a million to the construction and imlic councils, and are now almost forgotten. provement of roads, rivers, and canals, in all quarters of the Thus, sir, the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. DAL- Union. While the good people of the South are solemnly LAS,] while zealously supporting the proposition of the Se-assured that General Jackson has actually arrested the nator from Kentucky, has appealed to General Jackson as mad career of internal improvements, and his claims to rean authority in favor of that proposition, strenuously insist-election are openly advocated on the ground that he has ing that he was proving himself a genuine Jackson man given a death blow to the American system, you cannot in supporting that proposition, while other equally zealous open a Western Jackson paper, without seeing blazoned friends of the administration are at the same time insisting forth his devotion to the tariff, and finding calculations that General Jackson enters fully into the Southern views submitted proving to demonstration that he has actually relative to this question. Yes, sir, at the very moment that expended more money in internal improvements in two General Jackson is openly claimed on this floor as favorable years than Mr. Adams did in four, and on this ground to the scheme of the Senator from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY,] claiming for General Jackson the support of the West. the party in my own State, who claim to be the exclusive How is this? Where are the principles of this administrafriends of General Jackson there, have publicly proclaim- tion? ed their determination to support his re-election, expressly on the ground "that he has arrested the mad career of internal improvements," and "is with them in their efforts for a repeal of the tariff." It is too clear, then, to admit of a question, that, so far as the tariff is concerned, the administration cannot be said to have any known or fixed principles; and no one will pretend to deny that a man may take any side of this great question; ay, he may enlist himself, heart and soul, in support of the views of the gentleman from Kentucky, without, in the smallest degree, shaking the confidence of the Executive, or losing the countenance and favor of the administration.

Sir, are there any other great questions involving principles on which the supporters of the administration here are found acting as a party? If there be any, I challenge gentlemen to point them out. How is it with respect to internal improvements? Now, I approve very highly, sir, of the President's veto on the Maysville road, and have only to regret that he has not carried out the principle of that decision to analogous cases, and that he has not, in truth, "arrested the mad career of internal improvements." But, sir, even this limited and qualified opposition to internal improvements forms no part of the principles of the party which supports the present administration. Witness the votes on this floor, where some of the devoted partisans of the President are found constantly voting against the principles of the veto,

But I have trespassed, sir, too long on the patience of the Senate, and, in conclusion, will merely recall to the recollection of those gentlemen with whom I have generally acted, the principles which we have heretofore professed, and by which alone the party can, or ought to be held together. They are the principles of THOMAS JEFFERSON of the great republican party of 1798.

[Mr. H. here read from the inaugural address of Mr. Jefferson his summary of what he considered as the vital principles of our system, freedom of trade, and freedom of conscience, peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; liberty of speech, of the press, and of the hand, (unrestricted indus try,] economy of the public expense, that industry should be lightly burdened, and that "we should not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned;" and, lastly, the preservation of the State Governments in all their rights, as the palladium of our liberties, and the only safe administrators of our domestic concerns; and the preservation of the Federal Government in its constitutional vigor.]

These, sir, said Mr. H., are the true CONSERVATIVE PRINCIPLES of this republic, and when they shall be banished from our councils without any hope of their speedy restora tion, the light of liberty will be extinguished, and the sun of our glory will have set forever,

[blocks in formation]

The Senate resumed the consideration of the nomination of Martin Van Buren; and, after debate,

The question was taken, Will the Senate advise and consent to the appointment of Martin Van Buren? and was

Ordered, That the nomination of Martin Van Buren be determined in the negative--yeas 23, nays 23, as follows: referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 10, 1832.

Mr. TAZEWELL, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was referred the nomination of Martin Van Buren, reported.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 17.

The following motion, submitted by Mr. HOLMES, was taken up for consideration:

Resolved, That the nomination of Martin Van Buren be recommitted to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and that said committee be instructed to investigate the causes which produced the removal of the late Secretaries of the Treasury and the Navy Departments, and of the Attorney General of the United States, and also the resignations of the Secretaries of the State and War Departments; and report to the Senate whether the only causes of that novel and important political movement are given in the letters of the President of the United States, addressed on that occasion to the several officers above enumerated; and, if not, what were the causes to which these removals and resignations ought to be ascribed. And, also, whether the said Martin Van Buren, then Secretary of State, participated in any practices disreputable to the national character, which were designed to operate on the mind of the President of the United States, and calculated to smooth the way to his appointment to the high office to which he has been nominated.

YEAS.--Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buckner, Dallas, Dickerson, Dudley, Ellis, Forsyth, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Marcy, Robinson, Smith, Tazewell, Tipton, Troup, Tyler, White, Wilkins.-23.

NAYS.-Messrs. Bell, Chambers, Clay, Clayton, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hayne, Holmes, Johnston, Knight, Miller, Moore, Naudain, Poindexter, Robbins, Ruggles, Seymour, Silsbee, Sprague, Tomlinson, Waggaman, Webster.--23.

The Senate being equally divided, the VICE PRESIDENT determined the question in the negative.

So it was

Resolved, That the Senate do not advise and consent to the appointment of Martin Van Buren.

THE DEBATE.

January, 1832, and, according to the rules of the Senate, [This debate took place mainly on the 24th and 25th of in secret session. After the question was decided, the injunction of secrecy was removed, by a vote of the Senate, from the debates as well as the proceedings in this case. In consequence of which, the following authentic sketches of speeches delivered in that debate were furnished by the respective speakers, and published in the Nationl Intelligencer and other papers.]

Mr. HOLMES said, in offering these resolutions [proposing an inquiry, &c.] I am governed by the expectation that the inquiry proposed by them will lead to disclosures Resolved, That, for the purpose of carrying into effect in regard to transactions which are still involved in conthe objects of the preceding resolution, the said commit-siderable mystery. Public opinion is not yet settled down tee be further authorized to send for persons and papers, and to compel the attendance before them of such witness or witnesses as they may desire to examine on oath, touching the matter submitted to their investigation; and to report the same to the Senate, with their opinion thereon, together with the nomination aforesaid.

A debate ensued; and, on motion of Mr. HOLMES,
Ordered, That it lie on the table.

as to the true causes of the late explosion in the cabinet. That a cabinet of the President's own selection, and whose official duties had, by his own admission, been performed to his entire satisfaction, should so soon be dispersed, is an event so extraordinary in the history of this country, that the public, and especially the Senate, have a right to be informed of the causes which led to, or operated in, producing such a strange result. The people, whose mo

The Senate then proceeded to consider the nomination ney has been squandered to derange and reorganize this of Martin Van Buren.

On motion that it lie on the table,

It was determined in the affirmative-yeas 21, nays 21, as follows:

YEAS.-Messrs. Bell, Bibb, Chambers, Clay, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Hayne, Holmes, Johnston, Knight, Miller, Moore, Naudain, Prentiss, Robbins, Ruggles, Seymour, Silsbee, Tomlinson, Tyler.--21.

NAYS.-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buckner, Dallas, Dickerson, Ellis, Forsyth, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Kane, King, Mangum, Marcy, Robinson, Smith, Tazewell, Tipton, Troup, White, Wilkins.-21.

The Senate being equally divided, the VICE PRESIDENT determined the question in the affirmative.

cabinet, are interested in this inquiry. If the gentleman whose nomination is now the subject of consideration, has in any way contrived or contributed to bring about the event, it would go far to disqualify him for the office to which he has been nominated; and, if not, it is due to him that the inquiry should be had. Suspicion rests heavy on him; and, when that is the case, it is always good ground for investigation. I did expect that his friends, instead of objecting, would have consented to, and insisted upon, the investigation proposed by the resolution. Is it because they fear the result? They say not; but the inquiry proposed is not in terms what it should be. I, sir, have never insisted that the form of the resolution should be preserved. If I can obtain the object, I will put them in any

SENATE.]

him.

[blocks in formation]

shape which may be agreeable to a majority of the Senate. wish to suppress all inquiry. It is objected that the inThat this must be an ex parte inquiry, and when Mr. Van vestigation proposed may disclose impeachable matter. Buren is absent, at such a distance that he cannot be in- This is always the bugbear to frighten us away from all formed of the investigations which affect his character, I investigation into the conduct of any man, and to place can only say that, if a man will consent to take an appoint-every officer of your Government beyond the reach of ment in the recess, knowing that the Senate must pass responsibility. But really it seems to me to be exceedupon him in his absence, he takes the hazard of an ex ingly out of place here. We may find matter that would parte investigation, or is willing to trust his case in the care impeach Mr. Van Buren! How In what office would of his friends. Sir, if it be otherwise, the Senate is en- he be impeachable? Not as Secretary of State, for he is tirely precluded from any inquiry into his merits until out of that office. Not as minister to Great Britain, for he chooses to return, or the President is pleased to recall in that office he, as yet, has done nothing. How, then, I repeat, can we possibly be in any such danger? It does For myself, sir, I am opposed to this nomination on other appear to me that this is the weakest of all objections. But grounds, and I propose this inquiry rather to satisfy others, one word further, in answer to these hackneyed objecalthough on this point I should prefer to be satisfied. Itions, as to impeachable matter. The Senate have a pream against him, because he has humbled us in the eyes of sent executive duty to perform--to ascertain whether Mr. foreign nations. He has surrendered the rights of this Van Buren is a proper person for minister to Great Bricountry to Great Britain, to sustain his party. It is the tain, in order to determine whether we can give the Prefirst time this country was ever thus disgraced; and Isident our advice and consent to his appointment; and in would it should be the last. And, if I had no other rea- this we are told that we are restrained from inquiry, lest son, his appointment in the recess, to fill a vacancy created this executive duty, which we are now to perform, shall in the recess, is enough for me. I have always disapprov-conflict with a future judicial duty, which we, by possibilied sending off a minister in the recess of the Senate, ty, may have to perform! Sir, it is enough to state the obwithout the most imperative reasons. It is compelling jection to show its manifest absurdity. And where does the Senate to approve the appointment, or subject us to this argument of the gentleman lead us? It shuts the door the loss of the outfit. I would, at that expense, break up of inquiry forever, and every man, now in office, nomithe practice; it would be an essential saving. It is, more-nated for another, must be "taken and deemed" worthy, over, evading that constitutional check which the Senate lest the Senate should stumble upon impeachable matter! were designed to have in the appointment of ambassa- I find, therefore, that Senators who profess to court indors, and in our foreign negotiations. I would protect quiry, urge objections which would defeat all investiga the exercise of this power by the Senate, and never sur-tion. render it.

cessary.

It must be impossible, then, to frame any resolutions which would meet their views; and why should I further modify these to please them, when they are determined to be satisfied with nothing?

It is objected to these resolutions that they are not sufficiently specific. Sir, it is not expected that a motion for inquiry will be drawn with the same precision as an in- Sir, as to the disgrace attached to these resolutions, I allow dictment. If you can designate the acts precisely, there no man to judge for me what is honorable or disgraceful. is no necessity for inquiry. It is for want of a full know- That they refer to a disgraceful transaction, I readily ad ledge of the particular acts that inquiry has become ne-mit. But I have yet to learn that, if the administration We know full well that the political movement descend to scandalous transactions, it is beneath the dignity referred to in the resolution has been differently explain- of this Senate to call them to account. ed. Mr. Van Buren himself could not remain without a NOTE.It is perhaps due to the public that I should, to disfranchisement. What particular disfranchisement that prevent false impressions, explain the reasons why the was, the public has not yet learned. We would like to resolutions which I offered were laid on the table, and know what privileges of a free citizen he was compelled to not afterwards taken up and acted on. The resolutions surrender, as the price of his office, and whether that were objected to by some of Mr. Van Buren's friends, surrender was any way connected with the removals and and the form of them by some of those who eventually the other resignations. Will any one say, or pretend, voted against him. But several of his friends had, in dethat a participation in that extraordinary affair would not bate, urged arguments which would go greatly against affect his qualifications as minister? Sir, whoever brought any resolutions of inquiry upon this nomination-such as about that explosion is unfit for any office. The whole the absence of the person nominated, and the danger nation was convulsed by it, and a stain is cast upon this of finding impeachable matter, &c. To these Senators administration which can never be effaced. The exchange I readily perceived that no inquiry would be acceptable. of officers, too, by the late minister, and the appointment Of those who finally voted against the nomination, some of Mr. Van Buren to succeed him, and so soon after this wished the resolutions modified. To give time to frame explosion, furnishes a sufficient ground of inquiry. The them so as to suit all who wished inquiry, I moved to lay late minister had been out but a short time; he had the resolutions on the table. Whether any resolutions of scarcely become acquainted at the court where he was inquiry could have been framed that would have met the sent. There should be strong reasons for recalling a approbation of the friends of Mr. Van Buren, is not for minister, and supplying his place with a new man, and me to say. After this, I was asked by a member if I inthe expense should never be incurred unless the public tended to call up the resolutions, or "bill of indictment," good manifestly demanded it. This looks much like and if I did, when? My answer was--"Not till the grand making provision for a man who, from mysterious circum-jury is full, if at all." Then, turning to a Senator from stances, had been compelled to quit the office which he New York, I informed him distinctly that I would let him had held; and I know no principle in this Government know to-morrow whether I should call up the resolutions which will justify creating offices or vacancies to provide or not; and if it should be my determination to call them up, for favorites, or to reward a partisan. he was to move to go into executive business, for the purpose of discussing and deciding them.

Do the friends of Mr. Van Buren object to the inquiry? They say no: it is the resolutions to which they object. And yet their reasoning goes against any inquiry. But if the objection is to the manner or extent of the inquiry, why not propose to amend the resolutions, or offer one of their own? Indulging in objections which go to the form, and which seem to be captious withal, indicates strongly a

The next morning I drew a substitute for the first resolution, as follows:

"That the nomination of Martin Van Buren, as minister to Great Britain, be referred to a select committee; and that the committee be instructed to inquire what were the causes of the removal from office of the late Se

JAN. 1832.]

late cabinet.

[blocks in formation]

cretaries of the Treasury and Navy, and of the Attorney or to vote for laying them on the table; but when a case General, and of the resignations of the late Secretaries of for inquiry was presented, he would vote for going into it. State and War; and whether Mr. Van Buren had any, and, Indeed, he wished to be distinctly understood as inviting if any, what agency in bringing about the change of the inquiry; but, in fairness, it should be on specified charges. As to some of the practices intended probably to be "And, also, to inquire whether Mr. Van Buren did re-embraced in the resolutions, we have, he said, the solemn sign his office as Secretary of State, under a promise, or understanding, that he was to be appointed minister to Great Britain; and with a further understanding with the late minister to Great Britain, that he was to be provided with the place which he now enjoys."

public denial of Mr. Van Buren, accompanied with a challenge to all the world for proof, and wo man had yet been found to accept that challenge and come forth with proof. Those who best know the character and conduct of the nominee, feel the fullest confidence that nothing dishonorI showed this to several of my friends, who were satisfied able or degrading, in the slightest degree, can be subwith it. But others preferred the original resolutions: and, stantiated. So far, therefore, from closing the door of believing no form could be devised by me which would investigation, they are willing to be instrumental in open. be acceptable, and that the facts sought to be disclosed ing it. by them might be ascertained without the intervention of a committee, I informed the Senator that I should not call them up, in these words, which I wrote down at the time: "I am satisfied that the facts to be inquired into by the resolutions which I offered on the nomination of Mr. Van Buren, can be ascertained without a committee; and, therefore, I shall not call them up." Thus leaving the friends of Mr. Van Buren to prosecute the inquiry by a committee, or to permit the facts to be ascertained by each Senator for himself.

J. HOLMES.

The question was now stated on consenting to the nomination.

Mr. CHAMBERS said there were few occasions which could produce with him a more painful struggle between personal inclination and official obligations, than the one on which he was now called to act. With the nominee, said Mr. C., I have for years enjoyed personal and social relations that have left impressions which it would gratify me to indulge by an expression of their kindest recollection; and this consideration, with the fact of his frequent elevation to offices of high honor and dignity, and his distinguished When the resolutions offered by Mr. HOLMES were position in relation to the political parties in the country, under consideration, and towards the close of the debate, will connect with the subject an interest rarely occasioned Mr. MARCY observed that he had not intended to by the nomination of an individual to office. The office make a single remark upon the subject then before the itself to which he is nominated is one so intimately affectSenate; yet he was unwilling to give a vote, from which it ing the peculiar duties and responsibilities of the Executive might be inferred, unless it was accompanied with a word Magistrate, by whom we are invited to confirm the appointof explanation, that he wished to suppress inquiry. That ment, as to require on the part of the Senate a peculiar was very far from his intention. If any honorable Sena- degree of indulgence. Regarding a diplomatic functiontor has reason to believe that the person whose nomina-ary as the confidential organ of the President, as selected tion is now under consideration is chargeable with impro- with a previous knowledge of the particular duties to be per conduct, and will introduce a resolution specifying the performed by him, and with reference to his especial fitness charge, and asking for inquiry, he would give it his sup- for those duties, it is undoubtedly proper that the Execuport as readily as any member of that body; but the reso- tive will, in regard to the agent, should not be controlled lutions offered by the Senator from Maine [Mr. HOLMES] but from the most unyielding obstacles: to oppose it for were of an exceptionable character: for, in addition to light causes would lessen the weight of his responsibility, impeaching, indirectly, if it may be so considered, the in- and greatly increase our own. To reject the nomination tegrity of the President, by proposing to ask if he had of a minister at home or abroad, can, in my view, be destated the true reasons for the dissolution of his late cabi-fensible only upon strong grounds of principle, having net, it will bring before the committee, if it should be direct and immediate reference to considerations of a pubadopted, a mass of matters very difficult to be inquired lic nature. into, and not at all connected, as he conceived, with the vote to be given on the nomination of Mr. Van Buren. No committee to which these resolutions will be sent, will voluntarily enter into the various matters which some gentlemen may suppose to be within the scope of the inquiry into the causes of the dissolution of the late cabinet, and the Senate ought not to impose that labor on them, unless it be proposed to show that Mr. Van Buren had an agency in that affair. It is not pretended, certainly not by the resolutions, that he was connected with the event; it is true that the resolutions, after the introduction of much irrelevant_matter, propose to inquire whether Mr. Van Buren had not participated in practices disgraceful to the national character, &c.

Letany Senator, who believes such practices ever had, in point of fact, any existence, put them forth specifically in resolution, and he would, he said, vote to send it to a committee for investigation; and if they were found to be true, let the nominee be rejected. The designation of offences by the terms of "practices disgraceful to the national character," was very vague--quite too vague. The nature and character of these practices should be defined, that the Senate may know the duty they impose, and the committee the duty they are required to perform.

The proposed resolutions, as now shaped, make no specific charge, and give no certain direction to the inquiry. He therefore felt himself called on to vote against them, VOL. VIII.-83

In the deliberate counsel and advice which the constitution requires us to give to the President, there is no proper place for the exercise of personal favor or ill will, for party prejudice or partiality. Sir, as one of the humblest members of this body, I can fearlessly appeal to my course here on all former occasions, and to the course of those with whom I usually act, with the most entire confidence that it will evince a liberal charity toward the officers nominated, and a magnanimous surrender of personal and political prejudices on the altar of the public good, and a just regard to the prerogatives of the Presi dent.

With these opinions, Mr. President, it is scarcely neces sary to affirm, that, in the vote which I shall give on this occasion, I have obeyed no other impulse than that of my judgment; but it will be permitted me to assert, as I do with the most unaffected sincerity, that my personal inclinations have reluctantly witnessed, and would gladly reverse the sentence which a high sense of official duty will compel me to record, with a deep and abiding conviction of its justness. I am altogether aware of the danger to which my vote may expose me from the malignant virulence of those who, themselves insensible to the honest and honorable feeling which subdues the petty passions of a contracted and factious partisan, are on all occasions inclined to attribute the conduct of others to the narrowminded policy which governs themselves. Sir, I should

SENATE.]

Executive Proceedings.

[JAN. 1832.

be an unfaithful servant of my State, treacherous to the its acts. It should be sufficient that the claims set up by high trust which I am charged to execute, and destitute them, and which caused the interruption of the trade in of the courage necessary to protect the interests confided question, have been explicitly abandoned by those who to my guardianship, if apprehensions like these could for first asserted them, and are not revived by their successors. a moment divert me from the path to which duty points. If Great Britain deems it adverse to her interests to allow It would have afforded me great gratification to have us to participate in the trade with her colonies, and finds listened to some more able advocate of the nation's honor, nothing in the extension of it to others, to induce her to and to have been able to repose my vote on the causes apply the same rule to us, she will, we hope, be sensible more satisfactorily assigned by another. But the question of the propriety of placing her refusal on those grounds. is about to be taken, and I will not consent to allow an To set up the acts of the late administration as the cause occasion to pass, without raising my feeble voice to re- of forfeiture of privileges which would otherwise be exdeem the tarnished reputation of my country. If other tended to the people of the United States, would, under Senators accord with my opinion, it is essential, sir, that existing circumstances, be unjust in itself, and could not the vote of rejection shall go forth associated with the fail to excite their deepest sensibility. The tone of feelreasons which influence it. Yes, sir, the honor and the ing which a course so unwise and untenable is calculated dignity of this nation has--(and I think it demonstrable) to produce, would doubtless be greatly aggravated by the --the heretofore unsullied diplomatic character of the consciousness that Great Britain has, by order in council, American republic has been stained, its lofty pride has opened her colonial ports to Russia and France, notwithbeen humiliated-unnecessarily, wantonly humbled--by standing a similar omission on their part to accept the the man who is now proposed as its guardian, and pro- terms offered by the act of July, 1825. tector, and advocate; and, as an American Senator, I am "You cannot press this view of the subject too earnestnot content barely to put upon him the seal of reprobation ly upon the consideration of the British ministry. It has in a secret session of this body. No, sir, let the American bearings and relations that reach beyond the immediate Government-let the American people, proud of their question under discussion." national honor, know that no ruthless hand shall desecrate it with impunity; and let foreign nations and all the world know that even an American Secretary of State dare not pollute its ermine.

Now, sir, when stripped of its verbiage, and reduced to its plain import, what does the Secretary of State here press so earnestly? That Mr. McLane, the minister, who had been a member of the political party of which the Mr. President, I mean to resist the confirmation of Mr. then President was the nominal head, (and the Secretary Van Buren's appointment, exclusively on the ground that, of State a most conspicuous supporter, with imputed in his instructions to Mr. McLane, on the subject of the anxiety to claim a reversionary interest in the chieftaincolonial trade, he has violated the honor of the nation; ship,) that the minister, who had been a member of this has wounded its high and elevated character; has evinced Senate, and in that character informed of the conflicting a disregard to the interests of the American people--nay, views of the different political branches or subdivisions has insulted that people, in the person of their Govern-into which the great American family had been arranged, ment; has attempted to promote the objects of a party should stoop to avail himself of this personal intimacy amongst us, and has disclosed a total ignorance of the with our family dissensions, to press earnestly upon a proper principles and feelings which should adorn the foreign Government the misconduct of one part of this diplomatist. For proof of these assertions, I mean to rely family in the relations of our Government with that foreign exclusively on his own words, deliberately embodied in a Power, and the more amiable and kind feelings of another State paper, and on those to which he has himself alluded, division of it. But is this all? No, sir; it is earnestly and found amongst the archives of the department of pressed that the American Government--the concentrated which he was then the head. will of the whole American family, the only legitimate In directing the attention of the Senate to a particular source of access to foreigners, the only authorized organ part of the letter of instructions from Mr. Van Buren to of communion with other nations-that this Government, the American minister then at the British court, I disclaim in the person of its late administration," should be the inference that the residue of that letter, or that other bowed down in dishonor and in degradation at the feet of letters of instruction, contain no exceptionable matter. Lord Aberdeen, the delegated but humble personation of There are many positions which, on another occasion, it the British monarch. Yes, sir, the unheard of, unparallel would be proper to dispute; and the whole temper and ed, and most revolting experiment was to be made, tone of the despatches breathe an air of humility and (other supplications having failed to move the royal symconcession, and conviction of error, and a suppliant en-pathy,) how far an unsparing condemnation of ourselves treaty of favor and notice, which no American citizen, would disarm a British throne of its haughty, supercilious who thinks and feels as I think an American freeman disdain of a just and an honest demand. I say, sir, it was should do, can regard as the appropriate language of his Government, pledged as it is "to ask nothing but what is right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong." The portion of Mr. Van Buren's work, however, to which I will more particularly allude, is a part of his letter of instruction to Mr. McLane, dated 20th July, 1829. He uses this language:

[ocr errors]

Sir, 10

novel and unheard of. I repeat it. Let the past history
of this proud republic be minutely interrogated--ay, in
the many political changes of its agents, which, by the
terms of its organization, it must witness, let it be sought,
let the days of Adams, of Jefferson, of Madison, Monroe,
and the last Adams, be diligently inquired of.
voice responds to countenance this degrading, this dis
graceful operation, by which the Government is humbled
into a penitential confession of its transgressions, to ap-
pease a foreign King, or to moderate the wrath or conci-
liate the favor of a foreign Power.

"The opportunities which you have derived from a participation in our public councils, as well as other sources of information, will enable you to speak with confidence (as far as you may deem it proper and useful so to do) of the respective parts taken by those to whom the Not only, Mr. President, do the fair and unadulterated administration of this Government is now committed, in pages of American diplomacy refuse countenance to such relation to the course heretofore pursued upon the subject miserable self-abasement, but, sir, the history of all the of the colonial trade. Their views upon that point have civilized nations of the earth stamp upon it the indelible been submitted to the people of the United States; and character of a gratuitous prostitution, unaided by prece the counsels by which your conduct is now directed, are dent, unwarranted by any parallel. Sir, it adds to the the result of the judgment expressed by the only earthly deep condemnation which belongs to this subject, that it tribunal to which the late administration was amenable for was as useless and unproductive of gain as it was disgrace

« ZurückWeiter »