an advantageous Consumption for its products and manufactures; so that the generosity and friendship which she manifests, proceed solely from the benevolent attentions which with a liberal hand the King wishes to distinguish the United States.

In consideration that nothing be said of such difficulties, I believe that his Majesty will consent to guarranty to the United States their rights and dominions, as they shall be left by our Treaty.

I will do my best endeavours on this and other points, and will interpose my prayers that his Majesty will adopt the most favourable measures in order that the satisfaction of the debts due from the United States, to Spain may be made with such relaxations as may be convenient to them.

The Honorable Congress will well perceive the importance of the Guarantee and friendship of one of the first Sovereigns in Europe, which will give consistency to their Confederacy, and whose Magnanimity desires only to proceed by equity, justice, and sincere desires of a constant friendship, and good neighbourhood.

I ought not, therefore, to doubt but that such an illustrious Confederacy will entertain correspondent dispositions, and I hope that you will not delay to promote it, and to advise me as soon as possible, that so salutary a work may not be deferred, to which for my part, I shall contribute with the greatest good will for the benefit of both Nations.

1

I have the Honor to be, &c:

Sen Dr JOHN JAY,

DIEGO DE GARDOQUI.1

Minister for the foreign affairs of the United States.

This is entered by Benjamin Bankson in Secret Journal, Foreign, No. 5. Copies are in No. 80, II, folio 189, and 97, folio 166.

And the same being read, he1 then delivered himself as follows:

2 SIR: Every person to whom is committed the management of a negotiation, from which many good or ill consequences will probably result, must find himself placed in a very delicate and responsible Situation. In that point of light I consider our present Negotiations with Spain, and that my sentiments on the subject may be conveyed to Congress with precision, and authentick evidence of them preserved, I have reduced them to writing as concisely and accurately as I could find leisure to do since I received notice to attend this day.

It appears to me, that a proper Commercial treaty with Spain would be of more importance to the United States than any they have formed, or can form, with any other Nation. I am led to entertain this opinion from the influence which Spain may and will have both on our politicks and Commerce.

France, whom we consider as our Ally, and to whom we shall naturally turn our eyes for aid in case of war, &c. is strongly bound to Spain by the family compact; and the advantages she derives from it are so various and so great, that it is questionable whether she could ever remain neutre in case of a rupture between us and his Catholic Majesty. Besides, we are well apprized of the sentiments of France relative to our Western Claims; in which I include that of freely navigating the river Mississippi. I take it for granted that, while the compact in question exists, France will invariably think it her interest to prefer the good will of Spain to the good will of America; and altho' she would very reluctantly give umbrage to either, yet, if driven to take part with one Secretary Jay.

'At this point Benjamin Bankson begins the entry in the Journal.

or the other, I think it would not be in our favour. Unless we are friends with Spain, her influence, whether more or less, on the Counsels of Versailles, will always be against us.

The intermarriages between Spain and Portugal, which have taken place in this and the late Reigns, have given the former a degree of influence at the Court of the latter which she never before possessed; and leading men in both those Kingdoms seem disposed to bury former jealousies and apprehensions in mutual confidence and good offices. How far this system may be perfected, or how long continue, is uncertain; while it lasts, we must expect good or evil from it, according as we stand well or ill with Spain.

Britain would be rejoiced to find us at variance with Spain on any points. She remembers that we were once her Subjects, and loves us not. She perceives that we are her most important rivals in the Spanish trade, and that her nursery of Seamen on the banks of Newfoundland will prosper or otherwise, as ours of the like kind shall encrease or diminish; and it will encrease or diminish in proportion as we may or may not undersell them at foreign Markets, among which that of Spain is the most advantageous.

If Spain should be disposed to sink that scale in favour of Britain, there is little reason to doubt but that the latter will offer her powerful inducements to grant and perpetuate valuable preferences to her.

It is hard to say how far these inducements may extend, or how far they might both think it their interest to join in every measure tending to impair our strength, and thereby quiet those fears, with which uneasy Borderers and discontented neighbours usually inspire each other.

Recent transactions tell us that the influence of Spain in Barbary is not contemptible. When time shall have cast a thicker veil over the memory of past and long continued hostilities; when the convenience of Spanish money and Spanish favors shall become better known, and more felt at Fez, Algiers, &c. it is more than probable that those powers will be little inclined to disoblige a nation, whose arms have given them much trouble, and from whose gratuities they derive more wealth and advantages than they have ever been able to reap from depredations and from plunder often hardly gained.

The influence which the Catholic King will and must have, in greater or lesser degrees in Italy, with several of whose Sovereigns he is allied by blood, as well as by treaties, merits some consideration. The trade of the Mediterranean deserves our notice; and Spain has convenient ports in that Sea.

In various ways, therefore, may Spain promote or oppose our political interests with several other Countries; and we shall, I think, either find her in America a very convenient Neighbour, or a very troublesome one. They who are acquainted with the Commerce of that Country, can be at no loss in perceiving or estimating its value.

It is well known that they consume more than they export, and consequently that the balance of trade is and must be against them. Hence it is that the Millions they yearly bring from the Mines of America, so soon disappear, flying out of Spain by every road and port in it.

Details would be tedious, and considering where I am, unnecessary. It is sufficient to observe, that there is scarcely a single production of this Country but what may be advantageously exchanged in the Spanish Euro

pean ports for Gold and Silver. These advantages, however, must depend on a Treaty; for Spain, like other Nations, may admit Foreigners to trade with her or not, and on such terms only as she she may think proper.

The conclusion I draw from what has been said is, that on general principles of policy and Commerce, it is the interest of the United States to be on the best terms with Spain. This conclusion would be greatly strengthened by a review of our present local and other circumstances; but they are well known, and their language is strong and intelligible.

Sir, I do really believe that Spain is at present sincerely disposed to make friends of us. I believe this not because they have repeatedly told us so; for in my opinion little reliance is to be made on the professions of Courts or Courtiers; they will say what they may think convenient, but they will act according to what they may think their interest.

It appears to me that the Independence, situation, temper, resources and other circumstances of the United States, lead the Court of Spain to regard them with much attention, and I may add with jealousy and apprehension.

Their conduct induces me to think that their present policy and design is, to cultivate our friendship, and ensure the continuance of it, by such advantages in a treaty as may prevent its becoming our interest to break with them.

To this cause I ascribe the Civilities shown to the United States, by the release of their Citizens at the Havanna, and by the interposition of his Catholic Majesty in their favour at Morocco, &c.