with which machinery is designed and built ostensibly to serve various public interests and undertakings, but in reality to control them. Perhaps in no other way is the decline of faith in liberty so clearly marked." In a democracy, independence of mind, divergence of character, diversity of opinion, must be free to operate as a control upon government. Moreover, this indispensable “individuality of character," said Mill, in his justly celebrated essay upon Liberty, "involves as of the same unspeakable importance, diversity of education." (Italics mine.) A third notion, fostered in the past by narrow nationalistic systems, is that of the manifest high destiny of the people within certain national boundaries. This is but to be expected from a people grown drunk upon the wine of history which exaggerates their great deeds and ignores or minimizes their failures and pettinesses. The origin of such extraordinary overvaluation is occasionally to be traced to an intimate identification of the particular people with the secret plan of the Divine Mind. This original seed is cultivated by an appropriately devised education. Thus William shared the information that "God would never have taken such great pains with our German Fatherland and its people if he had not been preparing us for something still greater. We are the salt of the earth." Many uncritical people in America to-day fall in readily with the theory of a Methodist divine, as reported in the New York Times, that we are an "amalgamation which God has prepared to wage a great campaign for the salvation of the world." Naturally, a nation with these high affiliations does not emphasize that we are the most murderous nation; that bootlegging is among the most highly paid occupations; that senators pay high prices for seats (hoping and trusting to be seated); that high officials sell out the public interests; that we assault our neighbors alleging it is for their own good, and seek to compel teachers, here and there, to lie to their students or lose their posts. A decent humility would constrain us to clean our house before joining with the Most High to clean the world. But Germany and America are not alone guilty. Fouillée, expounding French education from a national standpoint, declared, "France prides herself in being par excellence, the focus of those ideas and sentiments which in the true sense of the word are humane: she is the country of humanity ." Pride in a virtue we admit we possess to a par excellent degree is the mother of scorn for those who possess it, presumably only in a less degree, if at all. It becomes accepted as the mission of the possessor of the "greatest humanity," the "most perfect science," the "perfect religion," or the ideal social economy, to carry them to the less favored of the world, frequently regardless of whether the latter view these trumpeted virtues as a blessing or a curse. Charlemagne brought Christianity to the barbarians at the point of the sword; modern nations send Christian missionaries and marines to China, leaving the Chinese to figure out the relation between them; communist Russia sought to bring the "blessing" of world revolution to every door. In no case is there any doubt on the part of the giver as to the nature of the gift. There is found no saving sense of humor. In the influential work of Ernest Lavisse, who sought to rationalize the patriotism of his countrymen in such books as Questions of National Education and Letters to All Frenchmen, there appears at times a degree of international catholicity; but this, it becomes evident, is more or less superficial and vanishes before such expressions as, "What accusation of inhumanity rises against France? By whom is she accused? Have we an Ireland, a Schleswig, a Finland, a Poland?-Rather, is it not we who one day dreamed of liberating peoples, and has it not been the fortune of the ideas of the Revolution to be implanted by the very acts of violence of the Imperial period, in the most impenetrable jungles of past despotisms? " If one avers that he feels a greater duty to serve humanity rather than the nation, Lavisse answers: "Humanity, that does not exist as yet; . . it is not a fact I defy you to serve humanity otherwise than through the medium of a fatherland. . . .” If an answer were sought to such a doctrine, it might be found in the recollection that the good Samaritan, going down to Jericho, served humanity not as a Samaritan but as a man; that one whose house is burning does not ask the nationality of him who offers first aid; that history points a warning finger to the pages of the past that are written with blood, wherein. we can read the truth that what the world needs, above all else, is a recognition of the precedence of human rights over those of nationality. A fourth characteristic of national education, naturally most pronounced in autocratic states, but one which there is a tendency to ape in those that are more democratic, is the establishment of docile obedience as an end. Napoleon set up obedience as a primary objective of education. Those who proved disobedient were denounced as "resisting the order established by God himself." Even in America the cry is heard that the acts and plans of our officials should not be criticized, as criticism may cause them to miscarry. One who represented a view held by many declared, a year ago, that students in tax-supported institutions had no right to criticize their government. On second thought, however, it must be apparent to every democrat that those who support by taxes, not only education but the government as well, are precisely the ones who should be the constant critics. Docile obedience may be defended as an end of education in Prussia, in the France of Napoleon, in Czarist Russia, and in the Communist and Fascist dictatorships of to-day, but not in a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. A fifth feature of nationalistic education is found in its most characteristic method which stresses repetition and memorization, instead of thought, and the use of ritualistic, formal ceremonies. It is scarcely necessary to mention the contrast between the rigid memoriter method of the old Prussian elementary school and the freer method employed here in times past. It is decidedly significant, it must not be overlooked, that with the rise of more intense nationalism, particularly in the past ten years, there has been injected into our schools a ceremonia! worship utterly foreign to their true purpose and wholly foreign to their tradition. In many states children are compelled to salute flags, repeat oaths of loyalty and sing official These can and, indeed, will contribute to blind acceptance of, and belief in. our national greatness, but can be of no assistance in producing a competent, rational understanding of ourselves and our relation to other nations. Nevertheless, so far have we gone in our blind faith in things fixed by legal enactment that we pass laws to manufacture patriotism, religion, science and social science, and have even attempted to fix the value of Pi by fiat of a legislature. It has frequently occurred, when American citizens have stood upon their inalienable rights and objected to such utterly unAmerican nonsense, that extra-legal forces have rushed in, robed in white vestments of one hundred per cent purity, not only to judge the case but to inflict whatever penalty their heated imagination demanded. But the Klan's Reign of Terror and the Legion's writing of history are American monstrosities. Let us not obscure the real significance of nationalistic education for the world at large by further notice of them. Finally, it may be stated the nation strives for complete possession of the human being. He is first a citizen or subject. Under its most extreme form he cannot be, above all else, a man. An ancient good man declared, "As a citizen my allegiance is to Rome; as a man, the cosmos." Under puffed-up nationalism there is no cosmos, no humanity, to serve. Each great national state has so far forgotten or ignored the teaching of the past as to believe itself the "be all and the end all." All things can change save me and God. We are one. With ancient mystic this puissant monster of to-day might cry: Ich bin so gross wie Gott Mere human beings have suffered greatly at the behest of those who so closely identified themselves with God, whether these have alleged the preservation of morals, the extension of a superior culture, or the security of material prosperity as justification of their inhumanity. In the exercise of this divine power the agent assumes the mastery of the mind as well as the body of subjects, in order that entire dominion be achieved. Men are condemned to complete ignorance or semi-enlightenment, whichever suits the time, place and purpose. Men's bodies and wills are shackled to be ready for immediate, unquestioning sacrifice to this god. The propaganda for military training of highschool and college boys has been insistent, incessant, and increasing in recent years. That no one doubts the efficacy of such national schooling to attain its end-an unyielding, unflinching, stiff-necked papatriotism is quite evident. The Germans attributed disaster at Jena to the fact that their schools had not yet achieved the truly national results they desired. It has been asserted that the schools of Germany conquered at Sedan. Fouillée declared the "final goal of education is not only the development of the race but also of our nationality, our native country, that it may achieve its mission. Success in the most recent war was attributed to education which developed a patriotism of striking qualities. In the early years of success the German schools were praised for the results. When defeat came, the people felt they had been deceived; for some unaccountable reason the product of the schools had failed. Admitting the efficacy of education, the probability of being able to build a narrow haughty patriotism which shall be letter perfect in thought and act, we should pause before the lesson of Germany's failure in spite of her success. We should be able to recognize in her growth, failure and the aftermath of disorder and discontent throughout the world, an inescapable warning. That no man liveth unto himself has become as true for nations as for individuals-perhaps more. We shall come to say, "Let no nation think more highly of itself than it ought to think." An education in national pride, and limited in vision to national prosperity, will in time come to be seen as, at least, short-sighted. More, it will be held just as foolhardy as it would be to-day if New York and Philadelphia, endeavoring to repeat the heroic strife of Sparta and Athens, were carefully to inculcate the sentiments necessary thereto in their respective public schools. Beyond nationalistic education there should be a broader, more cosmopolitan culture. Nationalism itself, as a supreme principle in world affairs, has but two choices: one is destruction, death, decay, following upon the theory of national sovereignty that the nation knows no law, save that of might; the other alternative is change. toward integration on a larger scale, creating a world polity. That the penalty of the first choice would be certain is held by many competent military men and economists. The most recent conflict of nations almost destroyed the victors as well as the vanquished. With improved devices the next ought to be more successful. As a mere layman who witnessed Russia grovelling amid her ruins, seeking to regain her feet, and as an observer of the struggles of the world of science and letters to maintain existence amid the shambles which rampant sovereignties created, I cannot say that complete destruction is a remote possibility. That the second choice is a novelty, having never existed save in the mind of man, and that many difficulties are involved, none will deny. But that we should choose destruction because the way to it is clear and avoid pulsating, joyous, fruitful life on a worldwide scale, merely because some new machinery must be devised and new understanding must be reached, is palpably absurd. Of this new order, says Brailsford, however it comes to be, "it must impose modesty on the sovereign state, and erect above it a supra-national government which will dare to limit its freedom to injure its neighbours, whether by economic or by political unwisdom. The penalty of failure we all know in our hearts. It would not come, as it came to the Romans, by the irruption of barbarians from without. It would come by the fratricidal strife of peoples equal in their murderous proficiency in all the arts of chemical and aërial warfare. But of failure we will not and dare not think." The prospect of a coöperative world society is encouraged by many facts. First, there is an indication of a growing distrust of the old principle of national sovereignty. This distrust has been greatly enlarged by recent world experience; as Russell observed not long ago, it is evident that "nationalism is bringing the nations to ruin." Professor Kilpatrick has declared it as his judgment that "the notion of a final absolute and exclusive national sovereignty is unworkable, manifesting itself in fact as truly a nuisance in the world of practical affairs as it is vicious in the moral world. Is a nation subject to the moral law? Surely none among us would say no. . . If the nation is morally bound to order its affairs so as to respect the rights of other nations then the notion of absolute sovereignty has already been given up. Mere will backed by power no longer suffices." This doctrine manifestly does not flatter the state as did that of Treitschke and Bernhardi; it holds the nation to a stricter moral accountability than does Cecil in his Conservatism. The enactment of a law against wars of aggression, which is a present possibility, would mark, in legal fashion, the death of the notion of absolute national sovereignty with as much finality as law against murder limits the independent action of individuals in the settlement of their disputes. Beyond this skepticism as to the wisdom of further tolerating the insolence of haughty nationalism, acting as a law to itself, there is another body of fact that may be witnessed by everyone: the growth of world enterprises, whose disturbance, or complete cessation, brings idleness, hunger and naked ness to nationals in all parts of the world, whenever lordly sovereignty exercises its ancient prerogative and goes on a rampage. Economic factors in our existence, as history abundantly shows, are of prime consequence in determining our ideas of religious, educa tional and political life; they impose limitations determining what we can and must do The growth of nationalism itself was primarily dependent on economic factors. Now, however, it is evident that the world of commerce has outgrown the limits of the national state. Many hold that the na tional governments, when at peace, do little more than hamper the business of production and exchange by more or less harmful barriers; and, when they exercise their supreme prerogative of war, the whole network of world business is rent asunder. Its restoration or reconstruction must wait until the mad men return to sanity or are housed in the interest of the common weal. A glance at our routes of world trade would tell the inquisitive visitor from Mars that this our world is a unity; but a second glance at our political maps, with their Joseph's coat of many colors, would tell him that human tradition lingers long and that ancient notions established by the sovereignty of kings contend against the rising unity of the world, whose voice comes from peoples and not from kings. There are certain indications that the well-worn phrase, “trade follows the flag," may fall into the discard. Men of affairs are finding ways of carrying on in spite of the hampering influence of procrastinating national governments. Russia is a case in point. While governments have delayed, business men have gone forward. Trade between the United States and Russia has been profitable to many concerns. It is increasing. Some wellinformed men have expressed the belief that recognition would have but little effect on it. Before official relations are resumed, many relations in which common men are interested will already have long been a reality. The official gesture may appear somewhat as an anticlimax. This new life on a cosmic scale will demand an education focused on world needs, even as nationalism demanded a system whose objectives did not extend beyond its borders. As national life and politics, with its emphasis on ruthless competition with, and strangulation of, neighbors, actually brought into being an education designed to strengthen belief in itself, so the education of the future will gradually conform to the standards required by a world whose life is so closely interwoven as to make unthinkable and impossible the return to the old ideal of self-sufficiency. The new life is creating and will continue to fashion an education in conformity with it; but education itself will react upon its creator and strengthen it. The functions of education are of two classes, conservative and creative; but the former has been stressed to the almost total exclusion of the latter. Nevertheless, we have seen in times past the creative force of new ideas which transformed the world of thought and action. What the world needs more than anything else to-day, more than new armies, new navies, new treaties, new aeroplanes or new gases, is a new mind. As Herbart discarded the mind his predecessors had taken for granted and as inescapable, so the world of to-morrow may come to the conclusion that the old mind of past centuries, with its preeminent faculty of sovereign national will, is after all a hollow conception. The new world mind must have the one ability: to face facts and weave them into conclusions-rather than reverse the process as did the national mind, filled from the beginning with innate ideas and faculties which operated regardless of experience. Nothing can be of more vital importance in the cultivation of the new-world mind than education. But education must present the true raw facts of experience for its upbuilding. The facts of life to-day are world facts; anything short of them cannot but produce misfits in the world society. In many quarters the conflict of the new education for the new mind is to be seen. Nationalistic systems destroyed the freedom of the individual mind in many instances far more completely and ruthlessly than did the medieval Church. There was revolt against that capricious will and there is revolt against this. In the revolt youth is prominent. Youth begins to question lockstep education, compulsory military training, naval programs, the muzzling of criticism by governments, and the prejudices of their textbooks and teachers. Why? Rebels, Dewey has succinctly set. forth, in his Human Nature and Conduct, are the "product of extreme fixation and immobilities. Life is perpetuated only by renewal. If conditions do not permit renewal to take place continuously, it will take place explosively. The cost of revolutions. must be charged up to those who have taken for their aim arrest of custom instead of its readjustment. Too often the man who should be criticizing institutions expends his energy in criticizing those who would reform them." In Germany, revolt against the fixity and immobility of the old system, and its misrepresentations, was voiced in the Kölnische Volkszeitung, November 16, 1918: "Wherever the teaching of history and other subjects has been used to arouse national hatred it must be discontinued in the future. . . All biased and false teachings about the war and its causes are to be avoided." One of the prominent points in the program of the new Germany, respecting instruction, declared, "All Chauvinism is to be banished from instruction and especially from the teaching of history." The honest criticism of history teaching in the past, and the suggestions as to necessary modifications in the light of a new world, offered by Adolph Matthias, are of such validity and wide applicability that they deserve publicity: "The history of our fatherland should be presented in an impartial survey. Light and shadow, great heights and great depths, heroic deeds and developments, as well as ignominious and disgraceful periods and epochs should be presented just as those periods actually were. periods actually were. Indeed there is considerable educational value in the most |