Visit to Jerusalem, in the time of Christ; both adapted to the understandings of Young Persons."

In the first, the existence and great attributes of the Deity are proved from the phenomena and laws of the universe. Here, too, the author has given a rapid and concise view of his arguments, and without aiming at any display of eloquence, into which, on such a subject, a less skilful writer might have been tempted, he rises with his theme, and as he casts his eye on the glories of the outer porch of the temple of the Almighty, he catches the inspiration of his subject, and succeeds in imparting it to the mind of his reader. In the "Philosopher's Visit to Jerusalem, in the time of Christ," the sublime doctrines and lessons of Christianity are contrasted with the foolish fables of the mythology and the gross morals of the heathens. This essay is not equal to the "Father's First Gift" in closeness and severity of reasoning; because, as stated in its preface, it is meant as an illustration and extension of the arguments adduced in that first work, rather than as a separate whole. More latitude was allowed therefore; and the two taken together, form a valuable little system on their most important subject. In each of the Essays of this second volume, a fictitious character is introduced; but in both he might have been spared, for the author himself appears in every sentence.

It is difficult to quote from an abridged view of any subject; but the following passages, taken almost at random, form no unfavourable specimen of the author's manner and style. The first is from the Father's Gift," and relates to the miraculous propagation of the gospel in the world, on its first promulgation.

"Such are the proofs which have been afforded us of the coming of Jesus. The HISTORY OF HIS RELIGION, and its propagation upon earth, have also in them something so uncommon, as clearly to denote its divine origin. Though the first teachers of his faith were but obscure fishermen on the lake Tiberias, yet, notwithstanding the great opposition which they met with, the apostle could, in little more than thirty years after his ascension, assert with truth, that the gospel had been preached "to every creature who is under heaven," that is, through the whole extent of the dominions of Rome. The state of the world had been wisely arranged by Providence for its more easy reception. While the Romans had "trode down the kingdoms," according to the prophetic description of Daniel, and "by their exceeding strength had devoured the whole earth," they had at the same time civilized the nations; and, while they oppressed mankind, they united them together. The same laws were almost everywhere established; the same languages were understood; and peace, in general, prevailed through the wide extent of their mighty empire,-the whole producing a situation most favourable to the propagation of a religion like that of Christ. And this view of the subject is splendid and magnificent in the highest degree.-That the Romans, the noblest people that ever entered upon the stage of this world, should, without their knowledge, be no more than instruments in the divine hand, for the spreading of his religion; that those wise statesmen should have reasoned, and those victorious generals should have fought, that mankind might the more easily and readily embrace the Christian faith! The cross which, on the hill of Calvary, was designed as an instrument of igno

miny and death, "came at last to be assumed as the distinction of the most powerful monarchs; to wave in the banners of victorious armies, and to shine on palaces and on churches." "The least of all seeds grew up, and waxed a great tree, and spread out its branches." "The stone which was cut out of the mountain without hands, shall itself become a great mountain, and fill the earth." Pp. 98-100.

'The other passage to which we would direct the attention of the reader, is taken from the "Second Present," and is on the subject of a particular providence.

"And here let us not suppose, from the regularity of the works of the Almighty, that having produced that system which we have been contemplating, he ever withdraws himself for a moment from any of the parts of his creation. He who sustains the life of the minutest animalcale, while at the same time he launches along the comets, is omnipresent and omniscient, and governeth all. The particular providence of God, however, as consistent with the nature of man as a free agent, is among the difficulties which encircle this great subject. But as an affectionate earthly parent still bends a friendly eye towards a son, though he is set out into the world, leading him with his counsel, and protecting him with his influence, may we not suppose also our heavenly Fa.her, though he worketh unseen, to turn towards us his children his fostering care, to prompt us to do well, to strengthen our good resolutions, to shield us in the hour of danger, and to guard us in that of temptation? Nor let us doubt of his government, because in that, as in many other instances, we cannot comprehend his doings. The events of it are as unexpected as our foresight is limited. The brethren of Joseph were but selling a slave, while the Ruler of nations was in him sending a prime minister into Egypt, and forming an important link in the history of man. While a late haughty conqueror thought he was paving his way to the subjugation of a powerful empire, he was but an instrument in the Almighty's hand to forge the bolts of his own captivity, and bring back the peace of the civilized world.' Pp. 55-57.

The author has prefaced each of these volumes by a letter to his children, of which we are uncertain whether we should most admire the kindly feelings of the parent, or the good sense and zeal of the religious instructor.

We believe one cause of the prevalence of infidelity to be, that parents in general have been contented to lay before their children. the doctrines of Christianity as matters of belief, without either furnishing them with the evidences of the truth, or training them at all to reason upon them. This might be sufficient, were there no false teachers abroad; did not a Hume dazzle and mislead the understanding by his elegant and seductive sophistry, or a Paine storm it by the impious boldness of his assertions; but we are convinced that many a young man might have been saved from infidelity in the year 1793, when the monstrous abortions of that lastmentioned daring infidel made their appearance, had he been but slightly acquainted with the evidences of our faith. In this view, we consider these modest performances an important boon bestowed on the rising generation; and we earnestly recommend them to their perusal, wishing that they may derive from them all the benefit which they are so well calculated to confer.

ART. III.—A Narrative of the Political and Military Transactions of British India, under the Administration of the Marquis of Hastings, 1813 to 1818. By H. T. Prinsep, of the Honourable East India Company's Civil Service, Bengal. London. Murray, 1820. Pp. 494. 4to.

IN directing our attention to the present work of Mr. Prinsep, in which he gives an account of the wars in which India has been recently involved, under the administration of Marquis Hastings, it is far from our intention to perplex either ourselves or our readers with the details of Indian politics. It is wonderful, indeed, to contemplate the vast ascendancy which Great Britain has acquired on the continent of India by the overruling influence of her policy and her arms-how skilfully her warriors and statesmen have improved every opportunity for farthering their schemes of universal dominion-with what art and management they have disposed all the members of their extensive and mighty empire into one grand scheme of alliance and subordination, which they can always wield at pleasure to their own purposes-what unity has always animated their counsels with what vigour their well-digested plans have been executed and with what apparent ease they have uniformly prostrated all resistance to their wide-extending power. All this it is curious to contemplate, and to consider such a strange, anomalous, and unexampled domination of a few foreigners over vast and populous empires. But to describe historically, and in detail, all the different members of the confederacy which is thus held together by British influence, and to explain in what relation each stands to the grand moving power which gives life and unity to the whole, involving, as it must, many barbarous names, unknown and uncouth to British ears, would afford neither amusement nor instruction; and we doubt whether any of our readers would follow so tiresome a detail.

It is not our intention to try so dangerous an experiment upon their patience. The work of Mr. Prinsep contains a very clear and condensed account of the military transactions in India, during the years 1817 and 1818; of the nature of the Pindaree war, as well as of the other wars which sprang out of that contest; of the general and successful result of the whole; and of the important accessions both of territory and influence, which accrued to the British in India, from the humiliation or destruction of every rival power. Mr. Prinsep, it may be necessary to state, is a civil servant of the East India Company in Bengal. We cannot, of course, expect from him that tone of bold and

fearless remark, which distinguishes other writers on the same subject: some partiality towards that power on whose favour he depends for advancement, may be naturally looked for; and Mr. Prinsep will accordingly be found to be liberal of praise, and sparing of censure. At the same time, he is candid and liberal in his views, and he never attempts to gloss over iniquity or cruelty, either by a concealment, or by a misrepresentation of facts; but, stating the transaction fairly, he leaves it, without comment, to the reprobation of his readers. His style is fluent and vigorous; and, considering that he has compressed within the narrow limits of an ordinary-sized quarto volume, the complicated transactions, whether warlike or political, of two eventful years, we cannot see that he can be justly accused of being either tedious or diffuse.

It may readily be conceived by our readers, that we hold our Indian empire by the tenure of our superior power alone. It is not in nature, indeed, that we should rule over so many prostrate or dependent states by any other principle. It is impossible that a subdued enemy can be well affected to his conqueror. The seeds of incurable jealousy are sown, indeed, in the very situation of the two parties: the one, anxious to secure his conquest, and to confirm the thraldom of his new dependent; and the other, equally impatient of the degrading yoke, and eager to cast it off. Applying this principle to our Indian empire, it is manifest, that this vast political mass cannot depend for its existence on any natural tie of subordination or policy; there can be no feeling of affection between the conquerors and the conquered; the weak must no doubt yield obedience to the strong; but it is not a willing obedience-they do not like the subjection to which they are compelled, and they naturally grasp at the first opportunity which offers, for the recovery of their independence.

Such, then, is the relation in which the British government stands to the various powers in India, some of them reduced to absolute dependence others independent, but jealous of our great and growing power. The British are naturally watchful of every movement among the native powers-they are always ready to suspect disaffection, which, it must be admitted, generally exists, and only waits for a favourable opportunity to break forth. The Indian states consider the British as the common enemies of their independence, in whose universal sway they dread sooner or later to be swallowed up. From such reciprocal feelings of jealousy and ill-will, war naturally arises, and peace seems indeed impossible, except in the extinction of one or other of these rival interests. To this state, matters have

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now nearly been brought. The late wars, of which Mr. Prinsep's work contains so satisfactory a narrative, were soon brought to a brilliant close by the valour and discipline of the AngloIndian troops; and the British have now triumphed over every foe. There no longer remains any power that can oppose them with the least hope of success. The dependent states who were engaged in the late combination against them, have been still farther weakened and reduced; some of them have been formally incorporated with the British dominions, and their former rulers either expelled, or pensioned off and maintained as stateprisoners; while the other powers have become dependents on British authority, with the exception of Scindia, who is so reduced, and so strictly watched, that the least movement on his part must be the signal for his immediate and certain destruction.~ A short sketch of the state of India previous to the late wars will be a necessary introduction to the following abstract of Mr. Prinsep's work.

The relations formed by the British with the native powers of India from the time they were fixed by Lord Cornwallis and Sir George Barlow in 1805, to the arrival of the Marquis of Hastings in India in the year 1813, had undergone little variation. But it was manifest that this, like every other settlement concluded by force of arms, would only endure so long as necessity enforced it. On every occasion, accordingly, when the British force appeared to be seriously occupied, symptoms of disaffection began to appear, and that chain of subordination and dependence by which the Anglo-Indian government had bound the native powers into a species of general league for its own purposes, was in danger of being broken. The reverses sustained by the British at the commencement of the Nepaul war gave occasion to the display of this spirit, and it was only by the vigorous movements of General Ouchterlony, which brought that war to a brilliant close, and fully revived the old and salutary terror of the invincible superiority of the British arms, that the disaffection of the native powers was overawed. Another occasion, however, soon occurred, in which the native states, tempting their fate, took up arms in the vain hope of subverting the British power. The causes of this rash and ill-concerted movement, we shall endeavour briefly to explain.

It had, from time immemorial, been felt as a serious evil in the Indian community, that owing to the general and constant turbulence of the country, too great a proportion of the popula tion was trained to habits of disorder and military license, and were unfit for any species of quiet industry. While war raged in the country, there was abundance of legitimate employment