has a right to tax America; but, sir, it is matter of stonishment to me, how an honorable gentleman (Mr. Conway) can be the author of bringing in of declaratory law over all America, and yet saying opinion that the Americans are the subjects of this country, I will declare freely, that I think this country has a right to tax America; but I do not say that I would put any new tax on at this par And I am free to declare my opinion, that I think we have a right to tax Ireland, if there was a necessity so to do, in order to help the mother country. If Ireland was to rebel and resist our laws, I would tax it. The mother country has an undoubted right and controul over the whole of its colonies. Again, sír, a great deal has been said concerning charters of America. The appointment of sever of the officers is in the governor. The charter of Boston directs, that the governor shall ask the council for advice, but it does not say he shall not act without it, if they refuse to give it. It is saidt one and the same time, that we have no right it is criminal to do any thing without advice of theo tax America? If I was to begin to say that council; I differ greatly, sir, from that doctrine; America ought not to be taxed, and that these for I myself have acted without in putting an end measures were not proper, I would first desire my to disturbances, in preserving the peace and good own declaratory law to be repealed; but being of order of the place; if I had been governor during the late disturbances, I would have given an order for the military power to attend, and then let me have seen what officer dare disobey. I think the council are much to blame for no co-operating ticular crisis; but when things are returned to a and assisting the governor, but I think the gover-peaceable state, I would then begin to exercise it. nor might have acted without the council. The council are inexcusable, though not criminal, as they are not obliged to give it. I, sir, for my part, shall give my last opinion. I have always been in one way of thinking with regard to America, which I have both given here and wrote to America. They have all along tended to one point; but it is now no longer matter of opinion. Things are now come requisition. Pray, in what manner is it to be to action; and I must be free to tell the house, obtained? Is the king to demand it, or are we, the legislative power of this country, to send a that the Americans will resist these measures: they are prepared to do it. I do not mean by very civil polite gentleman over to treat with their arms, but by the conversation of public town meet. assemblies? How and in what manner is he to ings; they now send their letters by couriers, address that assembly? Is he to tell the speaker instead of the post, from one town to another; and that we have been extremely ill used by our I can say your post office will very soon be de-neighbors the French; that they have attacked us in several quarters; that the finances of this counprived of its revenue. With regard to the officers who command the militia of that country, they try are in a bad state; and therefore we desire you will have them of their own appointment, and not will be kind enough to assist us, and give us some money? Is this to be the language of this counfrom government; but I will never more give an opinion concerning America in this house; those try to that; and are we thus to go cap in hand? I am of opinion, that if the administration of this have given have been disregarded. country had not been changed soon after passing the stamp-act, that tax would have been collected with as much ease as the land-tax is in Great Bri tain. I have acted, with regard to America, one consistent part, and shall continue in it, till I hear better reasons to convince me to the contrary. I Governor Pownal, (to explain). I apprehend I have been totally misunderstood. I did not assert the Americans were now in rebellion, but that they are going to rebel; when that comes to pass, tion will be, who was the occasion of it? Something has been said relative to requisition; I think I gave Mr. Rigby. Upon my word, sir, what was just now said, is very worthy the consideration of this bouse; and if, from what the honorable gentleman says, it is true, and I believe he is well informed, it appears, that America is preparing to arms; and that the deliberations of their town meetings tend chiefly to oppose the measures of this country by force. He has told you, sir, that the Americans will ap. point other officers than those sent by government to command their troops. He has told you that the post office is established on their account from town to town, in order to carry their traitorous correspondence from one to another. He has told you the post office revenue will soon be annihilated. If these things are true, sir, I find we have been Mr. C. Fox. I am glad to hear from the honora. the aggressors, by continually doing acts of lenity ble gentleman who spoke last, that now is not the for these twelve years last past. I think, sir, and time to tax America; that the only time for that I speak out boldly when I say it, that this country' is, when all these disturbances are quelled, and the ques several instances wherein the same had been com. plied with in time of war. they are returned to their duty; so, I find taxes are At a very full meeting of the delegates from the df. to be the reward of obedience; and the Americans, who are considered to have been in open rebellion, are to be rewarded by acquiescing to their measures. When will be the time when America ought to have heavy taxes laid upon it? The honorable gentleman (Mr. Rigby) tells you, that that time will be when the Americans are returned to peace and quietness. The hon. gentleman tells us also, that we have a right to tax Ireland; however I may agree with him in regard to the principle, it would not be policy to exercise it; I believe we have no more right to tax the one than the other. I believe America is wrong in resisting against this country, with regard to legislative authority. It was an old opinion, and I believe a very true one, that there was a dispensing power in the crown, but whenever that dispensing power was pretended to be exercised, it was always rejected and opposed to the utmost, because it operated to me, as a subject, as a detriment to my property and liberty; but, sir, there has been a constant conduct practised in this country, consisting of violence and weakness; I wish those measures may not continue; nor can I think that the stamp-act would have been submitted to without resistance, if the administration had not been changed; the present bill before you is not tanti to what you want; it irritates the minds of the people, but does not correct the deficiencies of that government. ferent counties in the colony and dominion of Virginia, begun in Williamsburg, the first day of August, in the year of our Lord 1774, and continu. ed by several adjournments to Saturday the 6th of the said month, the following association was unani« mously resolved upon and agreed to. We, his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the delegates of the freeholders of Virginia, deputed to represent them at a general meeting in the city of Williamsburg, avowing our inviolable and unshaken fidelity and attachment, to our most gracious sovereign, our regard and affection for all our friends and fellow subjects in Great Britain and elsewhere, protesting against every act or thing, which may have the most distant tendency to interrupt, or in any wise disturb his majesty's peace, and the good order of government, within this his ancient colony, which we are resolved to maintain and defend, at the risque of our lives and fortunes, but at the same time affected with the deepest anxiety, and most alarming apprehensions, of those grievances and distresses by which his majesty's American subjects are oppressed, and having taken under our most serious deliberation, the state of the whole continent, find that the present unhappy situation of our affairs is chiefly occasioned by certain ill-advised regulations, as well of our trade as internal policy, introduced by several unconstitutional acts of the British parlia which he did in a very masterly manner, by stating the hand of power; solely influenced by these imment, and at length, attempted to be enforced by that there was not the least degree of absurdity in taxing your own subjects, over whom you have indispensable duty, which we owe to our country, portant and weighty considerations, we think it an declared you had an absolute right; though that ourselves, and latest posterity, to guard against tax should, through necessity, be enacted at a time such dangerous and extensive mischiefs, by every when peace and quietness were the reigning system just and proper means. of the times; you declare you have that right, where is the absurdity in the exercise of it? Sir Gilbert Elliot arose to answer. Mr. C. Fox, If, by the measures adopted, some unhappy con. sequences and inconveniences should be derived to our fellow subjects, whom we wish not to injure in the smallest degree, we hope and flatter ourselves, that they will impute them to their real cause- -the hard necessity to which we are driven. Sir Richard Sutton read a copy of a letter, relative to the government of America, from a governor in America, to the board of trade, shewing that, at the most quiet times, the dispositions to oppose the laws of this country were strongly ingrafted in them, and that all their actions conveyed a spirit That the good people of this colony may, on 30 and wish for independence. If you ask an Ameri- trying an occasion, continue steadfastly directed can who is his master? he will tell you he has none, to their most essential interests, in hopes that they nor any governor but Jesus Christ. I do believe will be influenced and stimulated by our example it, and it is my firm opinion, that the opposition to the greatest industry, the strictest economy, and to the measures of the legislature of this country, is a determined prepossession of the idea of total independence. frugality, and the execution of every public virtue, persuaded that the merchants, manufacturers, and other inhabitants of Great Britain, and, above all, After which the bill was committed for Friday that the British parliament will be convinced how next, without a division. much the true interest of that kingdom must depend on the restoration and continuance of that the colonies, we will not, directly or indirectly, mutual friendship and cordiality, which so happily import or purchase any British East-India comsubsisted between us, we have unanimously, and, modity whatever, till the company, or some other with one voice, entered into the following resolu person, on their behalf, shall refund and fully retions and association, which we do oblige our-store to the owners, all such sum or sums of money selves, by those sacred ties of honor and love to as may be so extorted. our country, strictly to observe; and further declare, before God and the world, that we will religiously adhere to and keep the same inviolate, in every particular, until redress of all such American grievances as may be defined and settled at the general congress of delegates from the different colonies, shall be fully obtained, or, until this association shall be abrogated or altered by a ge neral meeting of the deputies of this colony, to be convened, as is herein after directed. And we do, with the greatest earnestness, recommend this our association, to all gentlemen, merchants, traders, and other inhabitants of this colony, hoping that they will cheerfully and cordially accede thereto. 1st. We do hereby resolve and declare that we will not either directly or indirectly, after the first day of November next, import from Great Britain, any goods, wares, or merchandizes, whatever, (medicines excepted,) nor will we, after that day, import any British manufactures, either from the West Indies, or any other place, nor any article whatever, which we shall know, or have reason to believe, was brought into such countries from Great Britain, nor will we purchase any such articles, so imported, of any person or persons whatsoever, except such as are now in the country, or such as may arrive on or before the said first day of November, in consequence of orders already given, and which cannot now be countermanded in time. 5thly. We do resolve, that unless American August, 1775, we will not, after that day, directly grievances be redressed before the 10th day of whatever, to Great Britain; nor will we sell any or indirectly, export tobacco or any other article such articles as we think can be exported to Great Britain with a prospect of gain, to any person or persons whatever, with a design of putting it into bis or their power to export the same to Great Britain, either on our own, his or their account. And that this resolution may be the more effectually carried into execution, we do hereby recommend it to the inhabitants of this colony, to refrain from the cultivation of tobacco as much as conveniently may be, and in lieu thereof that they will, as we resolve to do, apply their attention and industry, 'o the cultivation of all such articles, as may form a proper basis for manufactures of all sorts, which we will endeavor to encourage throughout this colony to the utmost of our abilities. 6thly. We will endeavor to improve our breed of sheep, and increase their number to the utmost extent, and to this end, we will be as sparing as we conveniently can, in killing of sheep, especially those of the most profitable kind, and if we should at any time be overstocked, or can conveniently spare any, we will dispose of them to our neighbors, especially the poorer sort of people, upon moderate terms. 2dly. We will neither ourselves import, nor 7thly. Resolved, that the merchants and others, purchase any slave, or slaves, imported by any per.venders of goods and merchandizes within this coson, after the first day of November next, either lony, ought not to take advantage of the scarcity from Africa, the West-Indies, or any other place. of goods that may be occasioned by this associa3dly. Considering the article of tea as the detestable instrument which laid the foundation of the present sufferings of our distressed friends in the town of Boston, we view it with horror, and therefore resolve that we will not, from this day, either import tea of any kind whatever, nor will we use or suffer, even such of it as is now at hand, to be used in any of our families. tion, but that they ought to sell the same, at the rates they have been accustomed to for twelve months past, and if they shall sell any such goods on higher terms, or shall in any manner, or by any device whatever, violate or depart from this resolu. tion, we will not, and are of opinion that no inhabitant of this colony ought, at any time thereafter, to deal with any such persons, their factors, or agents, for any commodity whatever; and it is re4thly. If the inhabitants of the town of Boston, commended to the deputies of the several counties, or any other colony, should, by violence or dire that committees be chosen in each county, by such necessity, be compelled to pay the East-India com- persons as accede to this association, to take ef pany for destroying any tea, which they have lately, fectual care that these resolves be properly observ. by their agents, unjustly attempted to force into led, and for corresponding occasionally with the general committee of correspondence in the city of Williamsburg. Provided that, if exchange should rise, such advance may be made in the prices of goods as shall be approved by the committee of each county. 11thly. Resolved, That we think ourselves called upon by every principle of humanity and brotherly affection, to extend the utmost and speediest relief to our distressed fellow subjects in the town of Boston, and therefore most earnestly recommend it to all the inhabitants of this colony, to make such liberal contributions as they can afford; to be collected and remitted to Boston, in such manner as may best answer so desirable a purpose. place. Meriwether Smith, 8thly. In order the better to distinguish such worthy merchants and traders, who are well wishers to this colony, from those who may attempt, through motives of self-interest, to obstruct our views, we do hereby resolve, that we will not, after 12thly, and lastly. Resolved, that the moderator the first day of November next, deal with any of this meeting, and, in case of his death, Robert merchant or trader, who will not sign this associa- Carter Nicholas, esquire, be empowered, on any tion, nor until he hath obtained a certificate of his future occasion, that may in his opinion require it, baving done so from the county committee, or any to convene the several delegates of this colony, at three members thereof. And if any merchant, such time and place as he may judge proper; and trader, or other person, shall import any goods or in case of the death or absence of any delegate, merchandize, after the first day of November, it is recommended that another be chosen in his contrary to this association, we give it as our opi nion, that such goods and merchandize should be eith er forthwith re-shipped, or delivered up to the county committee, to be stored at the risk of the importer, unless such importer shall give a proper assurance to the said committee, that such goods or George Washington, merchandizes shall not be sold within this colony Benjamin Harrison, during the continuance of this association; and if Edmund Pendleton, such importer shall refuse to comply with one or Patrick Henry, junior. the other of these terms, upon application and due Southy Simpson, caution given to him or her, by he said committee, Isaac Smith, or any three members thereof, such committee is J. Walker, required to publish the truth of the case in the homas Jefferson, Gazettes, and in the county where he or she resides, John Tabb, and we will thereafter consider such person or per- John Winn, sons as inimical to this country, and break off every William Cabell, connexion and all dealings with them. 9thly. Resolved, That if any person or persons shall export tobacco, or any other commodity, to Great Britain, after the 10th day of August, 1775, contrary to this association, we shall hold ourselves obliged to consider such person or persons as inimical to the community, and as an approver of American grievances; and give it as our opinion, that the public should be advertised of his conduct, as in the 8th article is desired. Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, 1 Joseph Cabell, R. Rutherford, 10thly. Being fully persuaded that the united wisdom of the general congress may improve these our endeavors to preserve the rights and liberties in British America, we decline enlarging at pre sent, but do hereby resolve that we will conform to, and strictly observe, all such alterations, or Francis Slaughter, additions, assented to by the delegates for this Henry King, colony, as they may judge it necessary to adopt, Worlich Westwood, after the same shall be published and made known to us. Thomas Marshall, J. Mercer, Richard Adame, Richard Hardy, Joseph Jones, Charles Carter, Francis Peyton, Thomas Walker, Thomas Pettus, James Montague, James Edmon son, Benner Goode, Lemuel Riddick, Benjamin Baker, James Holt, Adiel Milby, John Bowdoin, Peter Presley Thornton, Thomas Barbour, William Bibb, John Morton, Peter Poythress, William Robinson, Christopher Wright, Henry Lee, T. Blackburn, Francis Lightfoot Lee, prerogatives; and however misrepresented, we Henry Taylor, C. Carter, Robt. Wormeley Carter, Joseph Hutchings. Instructions for the deputies appointed to meet in general congress on the part of the colony of Virginia. The unhappy disputes between Great Britain and her American colonies, which began about the third year of the reign of his present majesty, and since continually increasing, have proceeded to lengths so dangerous and alarming as to excite just apprehensions, in the minds of his majesty's faithful subjects of this colony, that they are in danger of being deprived of their natural, ancient, constitu tional, and chartered rights, have compelled them to take the same into their most serious considera. tion; and being deprived of their usual and accustomed mode of making known their grievances, have appointed us their representatives to consider what is proper to be done in this dangerous crisis of American affairs. It being our opinion that the united wisdom of North America should be col lected in a general congress of all the colonies, we have appointed the honorable Payton Randolph, esquire, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton, esquires, deputies to represent this colony in the said congress, to be held at Philadelphia on the first Monday in September next. sincerely approve of a constitutional connexion with Great Britain, and wish most ardently a re turn of that intercourse of affection and commercial connexion that formerly united both countries, which can only be affected by a removal of those causes of discontent which have of late unhappily divided us. It cannot admit of a doubt but that British subjects in America, are entitled to the same rights and privileges as their fellow subjects possess in Britain; and therefore, that the power assumed by the British parliament to bind America by their statutes, in all cases whatsoever, is unconstitutional, and the source of these unhappy differences. The end of government would be defeated by the British parliament exercising a power over the lives, the property, and the liberty of the American subject; who are not, and from their local circumstances cannot, be there represented. Of this nature we consider the several acts of parliament for raising a revenue in America, for extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, fɔr seizing American subjects and transporting them to Britain to be tried for crimes committed in Ame rica, and the several late oppressive acts respecting the town of Boston, and province of the Massachusetts-Bay. The original constitution of the American colonies Possessing their assemblies with the sole right of directing their internal polity, it is absolutely destructive of the end of their institution that their legislatures should be suspended, or prevented, by hasty dissolutions, from exercising their legislative powers. Wanting the protection of Britain, we have long acquiesced in their acts of navigation restrictive of our commerce, which we consider as an ample recompense for such protection; but as those acts derive their efficacy from that foundation alone, we have reason to expect they will be restrained, so as to produce the reasonable purposes of Britain, with out being injurious to us. To obtain a redress of those grievances, without And that they may be the better informed of our which the people of America can neither be safe, sentiments, touching the conduct we wish them to free, nor happy, they are willing to undergo the observe on this important occasion, we desire they great inconvenience that will be derived to them will express, in the first place, our faith and true from stopping all imports whatsoever from Great allegiance to his majesty king George the third, Britain, after the first day of November next, and our lawful and rightful sovereign; and that we are also to cease exporting any commodity whatsoever, determined, with our lives and fortunes, to support to the same place, after the 10th day of August, him in the legal exercise of all his just rights and 1775. The earnest desire we have, to make as - 26. |