colony to express their minds with respect to the that the sword of their country should avenge their important question of American independence, is wrongs. We long entertained hopes that the spirit the occasion of our now instructing you. The of the British nation would once more induce them time was, sir, when we loved the king and the peo- to assert their own and our rights, and bring to ple of Great Britain with an affection truly filial; condign punishment the elevated villains who have we felt ourselves interested in their glory; we trampled upon the sacred rights of men, and shared in their joys and sorrows; we cheerfully affronted the majesty of the people. We hoped poured the fruit of all our labors into the lap of in vain; they have lost their love to freedom; they our mother-country, and without reluctance ex- have lost their spirit of just resentment; we there pended our blood and our treasure in their cause.fore renounce with disdain our connexion with a kingdom of slaves; we bid a final adieu to Britain. These were our sentiments towards Great Bri tain while she continued to act the part of a parent state; we felt ourselves happy in our connection with her, nor wished it to be dissolved; but our sentiments are altered, it is now the ardent wish of our souls that America may become a free and independent state. Could an accommodation be now effected, we have reason to think that it would be fatal to the liberties of America; we should soon catch the contagion of venality and dissipation, which hath subjected Britons to lawless domination. Were we placed in the situation we were in 1763: were the powers of appointing to offices, and commandA sense of unprovoked injuries will arouse the ing the militia, in the hands of governors, our arts, resentment of the most peaceful. Such injuries trade and manufactures would be cramped; nay, these colonies have received from Britain. Un- more than this, the life of every man who has justifiable claims have been made by the king and been active in the cause of his country would be endangered. his minions to tax us without our consent; these claims have been prosecuted in a manner cruel For these reasons, as well as many others which and unjust to the highest degree. The frantic might be produced, we are confirmed in the opi. policy of administration hath induced them to send nion, that the present age will be deficient in their fleets and armies to America; that, by depriving us duty to God, their posterity and themselves, if of our trade and cutting the throats of our brethren, they do not establish an American republic. This they might awe us into submission, and erect a sys-is the only form of government which we wish to tem of despotism in America, which should so far enlarge the influence of the crown as to enable it to rivet their shackles upon the people of Great Britain. see established; for we can never be willingly subject to any other King than he who, being possessed of infinite wisdom, goodness and rectitude, is alone fit to possess unlimited power. This plan was brought to a crisis upon the ever We have freely spoken our sentiments upon this memorable nineteenth of April. We remember important subject, but we mean not to dictate; we the fatal day! the expiring groans of our country have unbounded confidence in the wisdom and men yet vibrate on our ears! and we now behold uprightness of the continental congress: with pleathe flames of their peaceful dwellings ascending sure we recollect that this affair is under their to Heaven! we hear their blood crying to us from direction; and we now instruct you, sir, to give the ground for vengeance! charging us, as we value them the strongest assurance that, if they should =the peace of their manes, to have no further con- declare America to be a free and independent renection with who can unfeelingly hear of the public, your constituents will support and defend slaughter of and composedly sleep with their the measure, to the last drop of their blood, and blood upon his soul. The manner in which the the last farthing of their treasure. war had been prosecuted hath confirmed us in these sentiments; piracy and murder, robbery and breach of faith, have been conspicuous in the con Attest. SAM. MERRIT, town-clerk. of South Carolina. In congress, Feb. 8, 1776. duct of the king's troops: defenceless towns have Extracts from the Journal of the Provincial congress been attacked and destroyed: the ruins of Charlestown, which are daily in our view, daily reminds us of this: the cries of the widow and the orphan Resolved, That Mr. President do signify the demand our attention; they demand that the hand approbation of this congress, and present their of pity should wipe the tear from their eye, and thanks to the hon. Henry Middleton, and John Rutledge, esqrs. now present in congress, and to kingdoms, and elevated the house of Brunswick to the other delegates of this colony at Philadelphia, royalty. for their important services in the American congress. Worthy delegates! It is the judgment of your country that your conduct, of which I have mark. Mr. President accordingly addressed himself toed the grand lines, in the American congress, is the hon. Mr. Middleton, and Mr. Rutledge, as justifiable before God and man, and that, whatever follows: may be the issue of this defensive civil war, in which, unfortunately, though gloriously, we are engaged, whether independence or slavery, all the blood, and all the guilt, must be imputed to British not to American counsels.-Hence your con and of the benefits which, with the blessing of the Almighty, it is calculated to shed upon America, have constituted me, their instrument, as well to signify to you their approbation, as to present to you their thanks: and it is in the discharge of these duties that I now have the honor to address you. Gentlemen-When the hand of tyranny, armed in hostile manner, was extended from Great Britain to spoil America of whatever she held most valuable, it was, for the most important purposes, stituents, sensible of the propriety of your conduct, that the good people of this colony delegated you to represent them in the continental congress, at Philadelphia. It became your business to ascertain the rights of America, to point out her violated franchises, to make humble representation to the king for redress, and, he being deaf to the cries of his American subjects, to appeal to the King of kings, for the recovery of the rights of an infant In an important crisis, like the present, to receive people, by the majesty of Heaven formed for future the public thanks of a free people, is to receive the most honorable recompense for past services, and empire. to deserve such thanks is to be truly great. I know In this most important business you engaged, that it is with pain such men hear their comas became good citizens; and, step by step, you mendations. Gentlemen, with the public recomdeliberately advanced through it, with a regret pense, I mean to pay into you my mite also; and and sorrow, and with a resolution and conduct, lest I wound your delicacy, when I mean only to that bear all the characters of ancient magnanimity. do justice to your merit, I forbear to particularize Your constituents, with a steady eye, beheld your what is already well known. I therefore confine progress. They saw the American claim of rights, myself; and I do most respectfully, in the name of the association for the recovery of American the congress, present to you, and to each of you, franchises, and the humble petition to the king the thanks of your country, for your important serfor redress of grievances. They saw the Ameri-vices in the American congress at Philadelphia. can appeal to the King of kinge; and a second humble petition to the British monarch, alas! as un. availing as the first. They have also seen the establishment of an American naval force, a treasury, a general post-office, and the laying on a continental embargo: in short, they have seen permission granted to colonies to erect forms of government independent of, and in opposition to, the regal authority. Boston, April 25, 1776. The corporation of Harvard College in Cambridge, in New England, to all faithful in Christ, to whom these presents shall come greeting: Whereas academical degrees were originally instituted for this purpose, that men, eminent for knowledge, wisdom and virtue, who have highly merited of the republic of letters, should be rewarded with the honor of these laurels, there is Your country saw all these proceedings, the the greatest propriety in conferring such honor on work of a body of which you were and are mem- that very illustrious gentleman, George Washing. bers; proceedings arising from dire necessity, and ton, esq. the accomplished general of the connot from choice; proceedings that are the natural federated colonies in America; whose knowledge consequences of the present inauspicious reign; pro- and patriotic ardour are manifest to all; who, for ceedings just in themselves, and which, notwith- his distinguished virtues, both civil and military, in standing the declarations of the corrupt houses of the first place being elected by the suffrages of parliament, the proclamation at the court of St. the Virginians one of their delegates, exerted himJames's, the 23d of August, and the subsequent self with fidelity and singular wisdom in the cele. royal speech in parliament, are exactly as far brated congress in America, for the defence of li distant from treason and rebellion, as stands the berty, when in the utmost danger of being forever glorious revolution, which deprived a tyrant of his lost, and for the salvation of his country; and then, at the earnest request of that grand council of ry, requires an exertion of the greatest prudence patriots, without hesitation, left all the pleasures and abilities. of his delightful seat in Virginia, and the affairs At a time, when our rights and privileges are of his own estate, that, through all the fatigues and invaded, when the fundamental principles of the dangers of camp, without accepting any reward, constitution are subverted, and those men whose he might deliver New England from the unjust duty should teach them to protect and defend us, are become our betrayers and murderers; it calls aloud on every virtuous member of the community to stand forth, and stem the prevailing torrent of corruption and lawless power. and cruel arms of Great Britain, and defend the other colonies; and who, by the most signal smiles of Divine Providence on his military operations, drove the fleet and troops of the enemy with disgraceful precipitation from the town of Boston, which for eleven months had been shut, fortified and defend- The many and frequent instances of your attached by a garrison of above 7000 regulars; so that ment towards me, and an ardent desire to promote the inhabitants, who suffered a great variety of the welfare of my country, have induced me to hardships and cruelties while under the power of accept of this weighty and important trust; for their oppressors, now rejoice in their deliverance; your interest only I desire to act; and relying on the neighboring towns are also freed from the your aid and assistance in every difficulty, I shall tumults of arms, and our university has the agreea- always most confidently expect it. ble prospect of being restored to its ancient seat. Some venal disaffected men may endeavor to Know ye, therefore, that we, the president and persuade the people to submit to the mandates of fellows of Harvard College in Cambridge, (with despotism; but surely every freeman would conthe consent of the honored and reverend overseers sider the nature, and inspect the designs and execu of our academy) have constituted and created the tion of that government, under which he may be aforesaid gentleman, George Washington, who called to live. The people of this province, in opmerits the highest honor, doctor of laws, the law posing the designs of a cruel and corrupt ministry, of nature and nations, and the civil law; and have have surmounted what appeared inseparable difgiven and granted him at the same time all rights, ficulties; and notwithstanding the artifice and adprivileges and honors to the said degree pertain- dress that for a long time were employed to divert ing. their attention from the common cause, they, at length, by imperceptible degrees, succeeded, and declared their resolutions to assert their liberties, and to maintain them, at all events, in concurrence with the other associated colonies. For my part, I most candidly declare that, from the origin of these unhappy disputes, I heartily approved of the conduct of the Americans. My approbation was not the result of prejudice or partiality, but proceeded from a firm persuasion of their having acted agreeable to constitutional principles, and the dictates of an upright disinterested conscience. In testimony whereof, we have affixed the common seal of our university to these letters, and subscribed them with our hand-writing, this third day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six. SAMUEL LANGDON, S. T. D. Preses. JOHANS WADSWORTH, Log. et. Eth. Pre. We must all acknowledge our great obligations to our ancestors, for the invaluable liberties we Savannah, (Georgia) June 20, 1776. Our provincial congress met here on the 6th inst. enjoy; it is our indispensible duty to transmit them when his excellency Archibald Bullock, esq. pre-inviolate to posterity; and to be negligent, in an sident and commander in chief of the province of Georgia, delivered the following speech: Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the congressThe state of the province at your last meeting made it absolutely necessary to adopt some temporary regulations for the preservation of the public peace and safety; and your appointment of me Being sensible that colony matters of great imto carry these things into execution, at a time so portance will claim your attention at this meeting, critical and important to the welfare of this coun-I will not take up too much of your time from the affair of such moment, would be an indelible stain of infamy on the present æra. Animated with this principle, I shall think myself amply rewarded, if I can be so fortunate as to render any service to the cause of freedom and posterity. Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the congress— public business. Some further regulations respect-disposition; but I have received some accounts ing the courts of justice, the state of the continen- rather unfavorable. As this is of the highest con tal battalions, and the better ordering of the sequence to the peace and welfare of the colony, militia of this province, will necessarily be the I would here suggest, whether it would not be subject of your disquisitions. necessary to enter into some resolves, in order to prevent any future misunderstanding between them and our back settlers; and to this I think I may add, that the putting the province in the best posture of defence, would be an object very requisite at this juncture. You must be convinced of the many difficulties we labor under, arising from the number that still remain among us, under the shelter of an affected neutrality. The arguments alleged for their con. duct, appear too weak to merit a refutation. This The continental congress have always been is no time to talk of moderation: in the present solicitous to promote the increase and improve. instance it ceases to be a virtue. An appeal, an ment of useful knowledge, and with the highest awful appeal, is made to Heaven, and thousands of satisfaction contemplating the rapid progress of lives are in jeopardy every hour. Our northern brethren point to their wounds, and call for our most vigorous exertions; and God forbid that so noble a contest should end in an infamous conclu the arts and sciences in America, have thought proper to recommend the encouraging the manu. factory of salt-petre, sulphur, and gun-powderThe process is extremely easy, and I should be sion. You will not, therefore, be biassed by any very glad to see any of the good people of this suggestions from these enemies of American li province exerting themselves in the manufacture berty, or regard any censure they may bestow on of these useful and necessary articles. If they once the forwardness and zeal of this infant colony.consider it is for the public good, they will need You must evidently perceive the necessity of no other inducement. making some further laws respecting these non-Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the congress— associates; and though there may be some who appear at present forward to sign the association, yet it becomes us to keep a watchful eye on the motive and conduct of these men, lest the public good should be endangered through this perfidy and pretended friendship. Remember in all your deliberations you are engaged in a most arduous undertaking. Genera tions yet unborn may owe their freedom and happiness to your determination, and may bestow bles By the resolves of the general congress, the inhabitants of the united colonies are permitted to trade to any part of the world, except the dominions of the king of Great Britain; and in consequence of which, it will be necessary to fix on some mode of proceeding, for the clearance of vessels and other matters relative thereto; and perhaps you may think it further requisite, to appoint proper officers to despatch this business, that the adventurers in trade may meet with as little obstruction as possible. And I would at the same time recommend to your consideration, the exorbitant prices of goods, and other necessaries of life, in the town of Savannah, and every part of the province. This certainly requires some immediate regulations, as the poor must be greatly distressed by such alarming and unheard of extortions. sings or execrations on your memory, in such man ner as you discharge the trust reposed in you by your constituents. Thoughts like these will influence you to throw aside every prejudice, and to exert your utmost efforts to preserve unanimity, firmness and impartiality in all your proceedings. ARCHIBALD BULLOCK. The Bishop of St. Asaph's Speech. SHIPLEY, late bishop of St. Asaph, was intended to [Maryland Gazette, Sept. 29, 1774. It is of such great importance to compose, of even to moderate, the dissensions which subsist With respect to Indian affairs, I hoped to have at present between our unhappy country and her the pleasure of assuring you, from the state of the colonies, that I cannot help endeavoring, from the proceedings of the commissioners, that they were faint prospect I have of contributing something to in every respect friendly and warmly attached to so good an end, to overcome the inexpressible our interest, and that there was the greatest rea reluctance I feel at uttering my thoughts before son to expect a continuance of the same friendly the most respectable of all audiences. The true object of all our deliberations on this occasion, which I hope we shall never lose sight of, is a full and cordial reconciliation with North Ametica. Now I own, my lords, I have many doubts whether the terrors and punishments we hang out to them at present are the surest means of producing this reconciliation. Let us at least do this Justice to the people of North America, to own that we can all remember a time when they were much better friends than at present to their mother country. They are neither our natural nor our determined enemies. Before the stamp-act, we considered them in the light of as good subjects as the natives of any county in England. It is worth while to enquire by what steps we first gained their affection, and preserved it so long; and by what conduct we have lately lost it. Such an enquiry may point out the means of restor ing peace, and make the use of force unnecessary against a people, whom I cannot yet forbear to consider as our brethren. much lessened the pleasure I used to feel in thinking myself an Englishman. We ought surely not to hold our colonies totally inexcusable for wishing to exempt themselves from a grievance, which has caused such unexampled devastation; and, my lords, it would be too disgraceful to ourselves, to try so cruel an experiment more than once. Let us reflect, that before these innovations were thought of, by following the line of good conduct which had been marked out by our ancestors, we governed North America with mutual benefit to them and ourselves. It was a happy idea, that made us first consider them rather as instruments of commerce than as objects of government. It the spirit of our own constitution; an assembly, in was wise and generous to give them the form and which a greater equality of representation has been preserved them at home, and councils and governors, such as were adapted to their situation, though they must be acknowledged to be very inferior copies of the dignity of this house, and the majesty of the crown. But what is far more valuable than all the rest, we gave them liberty. We allowed them to use their own judgment in the management of their own interest. The idea of taxing them never entered our heads. On the contrary they have experienced our liberality on many public occasions: we have given them bounties to encourage their industry, and have demanded no return but what every state exacts from its colonies, the advantages of an exclusive commerce, and the regula tions that are necessary to secure it. We made requisitions to them on great occasions, in the same manner as our princes formerly asked benevolences of their subjects; and as nothing was asked but what was visibly for the public good, it was always granted; and they some times did more than we expected. The matter of right was neither disputed, nor even considered. And let us not forget that the people of New-England were them It has always been a most arduous task to govern distant provinces, with even a tolerable appearance of justice. The viceroys and governors of other nations are usually temporary tyrants, who think themselves obliged to make the most of their time; who not only plunder the people, but carry away their spoils, and dry up all the sources of commerce and industry. Taxation, in their hands, is an unlimited power of oppression: but in whatever hands the power of taxation is lodged, it implies and includes all other powers. Arbitrary taxation is plunder authorised by law: it is the support and the essence of tyranny, and has done tmore mischief to mankind, than those other three scourges from Heaven, famine, pestilence and the sword. I need not carry your lordship out of your own knowledge, or out of your own dominions, to make you conceive what misery this right of taxation is capable of producing in a provincial government. We need only recollect that our country-selves, during the last war, the most forward of all men in India have, in the space of five or six years, in virtue of this right, destroyed, starved, and driven away more inhabitants from Bengal, than are to be found at present in all our American colonies; more than all those formidable numbers Aix-la-Chapelle, by furnishing us with the only which we have been nursing up for the space of equivalent for the towns that were taken from our two hundred years, with so much care and success, allies in Flanders; and that, in times of peace, they to the astonishment of all Europe. This is no alone have taken from us six times as much of our exaggeration, my lords, but plain matter of fact, woolen manufactures as the whole kingdom of collected from the accounts sent over by Mr. Hast-Ireland. Such a colony, my lords, not only from ings, whose name I mention with honor and venera- the justice, but from the gratitude we owe them, tion. And, I must own, such accounts have very aave a right to be heard in their defence; and if 21. in the national cause; that every year we voted them a considerable sum, in acknowledgment of their zeal and their services; that, in the preceding war, they alone enabled us to make the treaty of |