yet they grow uneasy and restless, and begin to, think, that our allies are spinning out the war, in order to weaken America, as well as Great Britain, and thereby leave us at the end of it, as dependent as possible upon themselves.

and two crops uninspected; so that if a peace happens, it will find me plentyful handed in the arti cle of tobacco, which will then be very valuable. The money it has cost you to relieve the distresses of your unfortunate countrymen was worthily ex"However unjust this opinion may be, it is natural pended, and you will receive retribution, with large enough for planters and farmers, burthened with interest, in Heaven-but in order to shorten the heavy taxes, and frequently dragged from their time of credit and also to entitle myself to some families upon military duty on the continual alarms proportion of the merit, I shall insist upon replacoccasioned by the superiority of the British fleet. ing to you every shilling of it here, I hope you will. They see their property daily exposed to destruc- therefore keep an exact account of it. tion, they see with what facility the British troops are removed from one part of the continent to ano

ther, and with what infinite charge and fatigue our's are, too late, obliged to follow; and they see too, very plainly, that a strong French fleet would have prevented all this.

"If our allies had a superior fleet here, I should bave no doubt of a favorable issue to the war; but, without it, I fear we are deceiving both them and ourselves, in expecting we shall be able to keep our people much longer firm, in so unequal an opposition to Great Britain.

I beg you will freely communicate to me the situation of your affairs; and if there should be a necessity of making you remittances, I will endeavor to do it at all events, though it must be by selling some of the produce of my estate at an under value. I am now pretty far advanced in life, and all my views are centered in the happiness and welfare of my children-you will therefore find from ine every indulgence which you have a right to expect from an affectionate parent.

I have been for some time in retirement and shall not probably return again to public life; my anxiety for my country, in these times of danger, makes "France surely intends the separation of these me sometimes dabble a little in politics, and keep states, forever, from Great Britain. It is highly up a correspondence with some men upon the her interest to accomplish this; but, by drawing public stage. You know I am not apt to form opiout the thread too fine and long, it may unexnions lightly and without due examination. And pectely break in her hands.

"God bless you, my dear child; and grant that we may again meet, in your native country, as freemen;-otherwise, that we may never see each other more, is the prayer of

I can venture to say that the French court and nation, may confide in the honor and good faith of America; we reflect with gratitude on the important aids France has given us; but she must not, and I hope will not, attempt to lead us into a war of ambition or conquest, or trail us around the mysterious circle of European politics. We have little news worth communicating-nothing Extract of a letter from col. George Mason to his of consequence has happened here this campaign; Son, then in France, dated Jan. 8th 1783.

Your affectionate father,

G. MASON."

the enemy having generally kept close within "As to the money you have spent in Europe, their lines, and the American army not strong provided you can satify me that has not been spent enough to force them. We have a long time exin extravagance, dissipation or idle parade, I don't pected the evacuation of Charlestown; the enemy regard it. It is true, I have a large family to provide having dismantled their out-works and embarked for; and that I am determined from motives of their heavy artillery and some of their troops.morality and duty to do justice to them all; it is However, by the last accounts (in December) they certain also that I have not lost less than £10,000 had still a garrison there. By late accounts from sterling by the war, in the depreciation of paper Kentucky, we are informed that general Clarke money and the loss of the profits of my estate; but with 1200 volunteers, had crosed the Ohio river think this a cheap purchase of liberty and indepen- and destroyed six of the Shawnese towns, destroydence. I thank God, I have been able, by adopting ing also about 2,000 barrels of their corn and bringprinciples of strict economy and frugality, to keep ing off furs and other plunder to the value of my principal, I mean my country estate, unimpaired £3,000, which was sold and the money divided and I have suffered little by the depredations of among his men; this will probably drive these the enemy. I have at this time, two years rents savages near the Lakes or the Mississippi. Upon (you know mine are all tobacco rents) in arrear Clark's return the Chickasaws sent deputies to

bim to treat for peace. Every thing was quiet in and the formations of our new governments at that the new settlements, and upwards of 5,000 souls time, were nothing compared with the great business have been added to them since last September.now before us; there was then a certain degree of The people there are extremely uneasy lest the enthusiasm, which inspired and supported the mind; free navigation of the river Mississippi to the sea but to view, through, the calm sedate medium of reashould not be secured to them upon a treaty of son the influence which the establishments now propeace; if it is not, it will occasion another war in posed may have upon the happiness or misery of less than seven years; the inhabitants think they millions yet unborn, is an object of such magnitude, have a natural right to the free, though not the as absorbs, and in a manner suspends the operations exclusive navigation of that river; and in a few of the human understanding." years they will be strong enough to enforce that right."

"P. S. All communications of the proceedings are forbidden during the sitting of the convention; this I think was a necessary precaution to prevent misExtract of a letter from colonel George Mason, of representations or mistakes; there being a material Virginia (while serving in the general convention), to a friend in that state.

difference between the appearance of a subject in its first crude and indigested shape, and after it shall have been properly matured and arranged." An extract from the last will and testament of col. George Mason, of Virginia.

"I recommend it to my sons, from my own ex perience in life, to prefer the happiness of independence and a private station to the troubles and vexation of public business; but if either their own inclinations or the necessity of the times should engage them in public affairs, I charge them, on

PHILADELPHIA, June 1st, 1787. "The idea I formerly mentioned to you, before the convention met, of a great national council, consisting of two branches of the legislature, a judiciary and an executive, upon the principle of fair representation in the legislature, with powers adopted to the great objects of the union, and consequently a controul in these instances, on the state legislatures, is still the prevalent one. Virginia has had the honor of presenting the out lines of the plan, upon which the convention is proceeding; a father's blessing, never to let the motives of but so slowly, that it is impossible to judge when private interest or ambition induce them to betray, the business will be finished; most probably not nor the terrors of poverty and isgrace, or the fear before August-festina lente may very well be called of danger or of death, deter them from asserting our motto. When I first came here, judging from the liberty of their country, and endeavoring to casual conversations with gentlemen from the diftransmit to their posterity those sacred rights to ferent states, I was very apprehensive that soured which themselves were born."

New York

FROM THE ALBANY ARGUS:

and disgusted with the unexpected evils we had experienced from the democratic principles of our governments, we should be apt to run into the opposite extreme, and in endeavoring to steer too Mr. Buel-Permit me to solicit to treat your far from Scylla, we might be drawn into the vortex readers and patrons with the publication of the fol of Charybdis, of which I still think, there is some lowing address. The journal of the assembly of danger; though I have the pleasure to find in the the year 1781, at their second meeting, was never convention, many men of fine republican principles. printed: it appears that the state printer for that America has certainly, upon this occasion, drawn year could not procure the necessary paper for the forth her first characters; there are upon this con-purpose. Three hundred copies of this address vention many gentlemen of the most respectable abilities; and, so far as I can yet discover, of the purest intentions; the eyes of the United States are turned upon this assembly, and their expectations raised to a very anxious degree.

May God grant, we may be able to gratify them, by establishing a wise and just government. For my own part, I never before felt myself in such a situation; and declare, I would not, upon pecuniary motives, serve in this convention for a thousand pounds per day. The revolt from Great Britain,

were printed in a pamphlet form for the whole state, and the same was ordered to be printed in the friendly news-papers. New-York city being then in the possession of the enemy, this latter means of circulation must have been small. In the manuscript journal of 1781, above mentioned, is the original state address, from which I have made this exact copy. It appears from this journal, that previous to the publication of this interesting docu ment, the great body of the people of this state, although they loved their country and still wished

and prayed for liberty, yet found themselves | must be obtained and taxes rendered re burthenfatigued, distressed, embarrassed, drained of prosome; to relieve the frontiers, great demands must perty and deprived of the services of their use. be made upon the militia; to conduct military ful, hardy husbandmen-surrounded and daily operations with success, vigor and energy must be encroached upon by the ravaging enemy, and given to government, and temporary restraint be pressed by a merciless savage foe. The record of imposed upon the liberty of the subject. Those their complaints and entreaties for relief, trans- who candidly admit these truths, will judge of the mitted to the legislature from every part of the embarrassments which perplex the legislature-state, prove them to have been greatly disquieted, will make proper allowances for them, and by aiding and anxious to put a speedy termination to taxes, and supporting government, enable their rulers to impresses, assessments, and levies of militia. By distinguish between the manly representations of the history of the succeeding year, this admirable freemen and real patriots, and the insidious murmurs address seems to have had the desired effect. The of those grovelling souls, whom the flesh pots of committee for drafting and preparing the same Egypt would lure back to the land of bondage. were Mr. L'Hommedieu, Mr. Tayler, and Mr. BenBut to enter more minutely into particulars: son, of the assembly, and Mr. Schuyler, Mr. Yates, With respect to the weight and inequality of taxes, and Mr. Platt, of the senate. It was first reported let the sincere and zealous friend of his country, to the assembly by Mr. Benson. for to such characters only we mean to address ourselves, look back to the beginning of this controversy, and test the justice of present complaints by past promises. Greater evils than any we have yet experienced, were apprehended when we enter. ed into the present contest. Cowards shuddered and attempted to fly from them; you set them at defiance; and animated with the spirit of freedom in your public assemblies, at your private meetings, by your solemn acts, and in your familiar con

By its publication in your state paper, you will deserve the thanks of the present generation, and preserve to posterity an important item of the bis

tory of the MEMORABLE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

I have the honor to be sir, your very humble servant, AARON CLARK.

Albany, Nov. 3, 1819.

"AN ADDRESS

From the legislature of the state of New-York, to their versations, repeatedly pledged your lives and for

Constituents.

unes to prosecute the war with vigor.

"FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS-While govern- That the taxes are burthensone, will readily be ment is without corruption, the representatives of admitted; but on the other hand, we submit to your a free people cannot be inattentive to the opinions candor, whether they are not far short of what you of their constituents: They will hear their com- had reason to expects especially when you consider plaints and examine into the causes of them; if they the real and not the nominal sum demanded; and proceed from errors in government, they will take into the account, that the war had been carried endeavor to correct such errors; if they originate on for several campaigns, at a considerable expense, in evils which arise from their peculiar situation, before any taxes were collected, and we are perthey will explain the necessity which gives them suaded your justice will not permit you to ascribe birth-well satisfied that such evils will be borne to the legislature, hardships arising from taxes with patience, by those virtuous citizens, who count which it was their duty to lay, in conformity to the temporary inconveniences as dust in the balance resolutions of that august body, whom the common when weighed against their own freedom, and the voice of America has rendered supreme in matters happiness of posterity. relative to the war. If congress, urged by their The weight of taxes, the rigorous measures that necessities, have unhappily called for more than have been used to restrain the disaffected, exer-you are in circumstances to grant-if they have not tions oppressive to individuals, by which supplies duly weighed the various events which have imhave been obtained, the wants of the army, the poverished and distressed this state, it becomes calls upon the militia, and the destruction of our us, without deranging the general system, faithfully frontiers, are the principal sources from which the to represent our situation, while we endeavor to present discontents are supposed to flow. A first comply with their requisitions. This we have done; view, it will appear that most of these complaints and have reason to hope for every relief which the militate against each other, and that to diminish present emergencies will permit them to afford. the cause of some evils, others must be increased: In this expectation we have also taken measures Thus, to procure supplies without force, money to suspend the opera ion of the law for raising a

sum equal to one hundred and fifty thousand dol- or to your representatives, in assembly, enable lars in specie. them to bring the offenders to justice.

As the vast debt due to individuals of this state

The extraordinary powers given to commission.

from the United States remains unpaid, and there- ers for defeating conspiracies, may undoubtedly fore you are destitute of a circulating medium; and be justified by our peculiar situation, and by the also because the desolation on the frontiers in the practice of all nations under similar circumstances. last campaign, has compelled us to require you to On this occasion, we are again impelled to call on raise an extraordinary, but necessary number of your candor, and to ask, beset as we are by avowed men for their security, we have given further time enemies, and infested with concealed traitors, who for the payment of the tax, which will be due on with facility maintain criminal intercourse, scatter the first of April, and we propose in the mean time the seeds of disaffection, and take advantage of to digest some plan for a more just and equal the credulity of the honest but misinformed-whedistribution of that and the other burthens of the ther it is not absolutely necessary to be attentive war. To this, your representatives engage to turn to their motions-to compare intelligence received their earnest attention. They lament that the from different quarters-to counteract the various wants of the army, and the negligence of states machinations they are incessantly practising to who have built too much upon our efforts, have so subjugate us to British tyranny-that the legisla frequently rendered it necessary to disturb the ture should delegate such powers as these com. common course of trade; and in some measure to missioners are invested with. From a persuasion violate the rights of property: we trust, however, that you conceived their proceedings may, in some that this necessity will justify us in the opinion of instances, have been improper, we do you the jus those who sincerely believe the relief of the troops tice to believe, that hence your complaints have a national object, and their wants a national griev- originated; and we flatter ourselves that in a more serious consideration, you, as friends to your country, will be impressed with the necessity of such powers, and that they will be obnoxious to none but the disaffected. The proceedings of these commissioners will, however, be submitted to the inspection of a committee of both houses, in order to discover whether they have abused their authority.

ance.

We have stated to congress the difficulties into which we are involved, and flatter ourselves that they will take measures to procure from every state its just quota, and thereby render exertions beyond our proportion, unnecessary in future. And we presume so much on your attachment to the cause of freedom, as not to doubt that you will cheerfully submit to every equitable mode which the legisla ture may devise to draw forth the resources of this state, and by that means prevent us from being exposed to the censure of those whom we charge with neglect.

We have already taken measures for the defence of the frontiers, which, if successful, will greatly relieve the militia; and we indulge ourselves in a ope that our endeavors will be warmly seconded by those, at least, whose zeal has justly led them We have already hinted, that we feel the incon-to consider the destruction of the frontiers as a navenience to which the non-payment of the con- tional misfortune.

tinental debts, as well as those contracted by the We see with pain, many of the inhabitants of state, has subjected many of you. To this sub-the state remonstrating against that as a grievance, ject we have again earnestly entreated the atten-which, as a part of the original constitution, is so tion of congress, and pointed out a mode of redress. intimately interwoven therewith, as not to be rent We have now under consideration, a plan for calling from it without destroying the fabric, namely, the to account such persons as have been entrusted with public money, and thereby to restrain improper expenditures. We sincerely wish that the charge against public officers had been so par ticular as to direct us in our enquiries to the per sons aimed at, and still hope that where abuses have crept into any department, the same zeal which dictated the complaint, will, by regular information to the prosecutor for the public, to grand jury, composed of the body of each county,

share which the representatives of the southern part of the state have in legislation. We find ourselves constrained to declare, that we cannot consider this as a proper subject of complaint. A convention was chosen for the whole state, and consisted of deputies from every county, with unlimited powers to institute and establish a government which should conclude the whole. Whilst this great business was in agitation, the southern cou ties be came under a restraint from the enemy, andthe

convention made provision for affording to the pointed at the embarrassments which surround inhabitants of those counties as much of the bene-s, and the means we have pursued to remove fits of the constitution as their situation and cir- them; but while duty dictated this line of conduct cumstances would admit. We presume the con- on our part, it becomes us, the temporary representa. vention were convinced, that as legislation and tives of the majesty of the people, to prosecute this representation is the leading principle in our con-address in a style which freemen ought to use to stitution, it would, therefore, be highly unjust, if their equals; and we therefore cannot hesitate to because our brethren were unfortunate and could assert, that it is incumbent on you candidly to dis not enjoy the whole of their inheritance, we should tinguish between errors in the general system of deprive them of that in which they could partici. the laws themselves, and the persons employed in pate. To prevent this injustice, and influenced by the execution of them; between those which care motives of necessity and expediency, the conven- and attention in your legislature and magistrates tion passed the ordinance which we cannot, with- may remedy, and those which your situation and out violating the rights of the people, consider circumstances render unavoidable. Your repreotherwise than as part of the constitution, from sentations have been useful in pointing out defects, which we derive our powers, and therefore not to but in your fortitude, in a due obedience to the be altered or annulled by us. Independent of these laws, and in a determination to support the auconclusions, which we have drawn from the strict thority of government, can relief only be obtained principles of the constitution, we find our conduct against partial burthens, and although we cannot supported by the example of the great council of suspect that you will be remiss in these great duties the United States. Congress has allowed, and doth of the good citizen, yet it behoves us to advise you, still permit the delegates from Georgia and South that a criminal negligence has been lately too preCarolina to sit, debate, and vote, although the valent with some; that it is your duty to interfere, former is entirely in possession of the enemy, and especially whilst the British tyrant insults y the capital of the latter, with a great part of the with his unmeaning offers of peace and pardon, state, experience the same misfortune. Indeed, and whilst his infamous emissaries industriously should the delegates of those states, or the re- attempt to excite the honest, but credulous friend presentatives of those counties be deprived of their of his country, to unwarrantable commotions, and seats, the former might of right, and agreeable to induce him to mix with well founded grievances, the law of nations, separate from the federal union, those that do not exist. We mention this to sound enter into compacts with other nations, and even the alarm to you, whose zeal and firmness have unite with Great Britain-and the latter might on remained unshaken in every vicissitude of the prethe same principles hold a similar conduct with sent contest, that the weak and unwary may, by respect to us. We forbear to enter into a further your example, be led to the better policy of remov. detail of reasoning on this subject, presuming tha: ing the difficulties and embarrassments which lay the least reflection will discover that, as in the one between us and the great objects we have in view, case, the jurisdiction of congress could not, of INDEPENDENCE, LIBERTY and PEACE, and not, by right, extend to Georgia and South Carolina, so in throwing fresh difficulties in the way, remove to & the other, our sovereignty would be restricted in more remote period the completion of your wish. point of territory, and our act could not rightfully Listen, friends fellow-citizens, and countrymen, bind the inhabitants of the counties in the power to the recommendations of that great and good of the enemy. Consequences so detrimental to man, whose virtues and patriotism, as the soldier both, we are persuaded, were not foreseen by those and the citizen, have drawn down the admiration, amongst our constituents who wish well to the cause not of America only, but all Europe; whose wellof their country, otherwise we flatter ourselves earned fame will roll down the tide of time until that this matter would not have been suggested as it is absorbed in the abyss of eternity: Listen to a grievance. what he recommended to your army on a recent Thus, friends and fellow citizens, impelled by and an alarming occasion, and seriously apply it to the laudable principle that the public weal only yourselves and to us: "The general is deeply sensiought to influence the conduct of its servants, have "ble of the sufferings of the army; he leaves no we admitted the justice of some of your com-" expedient unused to relieve them, and he is perplaints, promised our endeavors to lessen the cause" suaded that congress and the several states are of others, submitted to your candor our observa-" doing every thing in their power for the same tions on those which we cannot deem grievous," purpose. But while we look to the public for