his which must ever recur prominently to the grateful memory of his country. He was, in an especial manner, the founder and author of that glorious constitution which is the bond of our Union and the charter of our liberties, and it was graciously vouchsafed to him, in the order of providence, to witness, for a longer period than any of his illustrious colleagues, the rich blessings which have resulted from its establishment. He was the last surviving signer of that sacred instrument. Amid the general grief which pervades the nation, may we not indulge one consolation at least, in the hope that his death, whilst adding the last seal to his own fame and glory, will, in some sort, canonize the work of his hands, and surround with a new veneration that precious relic of the wisdom of our departed patriots and sages. But, sir, I will not speak of the public life of Mr. Madison; it is known to us all; it is appreciated by us all. It was my privilege to see and to know him in the scenes of that classic retirement in which he passed the evening of his days. It was there that the mild lustre of his private virtues, which formed the crowning grace of his character, and is the indispensable complement of a true public glory, was seen and felt. But who can paint him there? Who can adequately describe that fascinating suavity of temper and manners, that spirit and grace of conversation so happily blended with the oracles of philosophy and experience, that amiable and cultivated benevolence, ever watchful of the feelings and comfort of others, even in the minutest trifles, which, together, formed, around the hearth of Montpelier, a group of social virtues and attractions which, however incompetent the powers of language to portray, none who have felt their influence can ever forget? In speaking of these things, Mr. President, I am but too forcibly reminded of my own personal loss in the general and national calamity which we all bewail. I was the neighbor of Mr. Madison, sir, and enjoyed his kindness and friendship; and if, in speaking of a great national bereavement, my mind recurs too fondly to the chasm his death has left in the immediate circle of his friends, something, I trust, will be pardoned to the feelings of the heart. It is my melancholy satisfaction to have received, in all probability, the last letter ever signed by his hand. It bears date only six days before his death, and furnishes, in its contents, a striking illustration of that amiable benevolence, and sensibility to the kindness of others, which formed so prominent a trait in his character. In that letter, which is now before me, he spoke of his enfeebled health, and his trembling and unsteady signature, so much in contrast with the usual firmness and regularity of his writing, bore a graphic and melancholy intimation of his approaching end. Still I trusted that his light might hold out to the 4th of July, that he might be restored on ❘ [SENATE. that glorious anniversary to an immortal companionship with those great men and patriots with whom he had been intimately connected in life, and whose coincident deaths, on the birthday of the nation's freedom, had imparted to that day, if possible, an additional and mysterious illustration. But it has been ordered otherwise. His career has been closed at an epoch which, forty-nine years ago, witnessed his most efficient labors in the illustrious assembly which laid the foundations of our present system of Government, and will thus, by the remembrance of his death, as well as by the services of his life, more closely associate him with that great work which is at once the source and the guarantee of his country's happiness and glory. What honors, Mr. President, are there, by which we can do justice to a character which history will hold up to future ages as a model of public and private virtue, not surpassed by the brightest examples in ancient or modern times? Sir, there are none. Still it is proper that, as representatives of the American people, we should show, by some suitable manifestations, how sincerely and deeply we participate in the universal feeling of grief on this mournful occasion; and I move you, therefore, the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee be appointed on the part of the Senate, to join such committee as may be appointed on the part of the House, to consider and report by what token of respect and affection it may be proper for the Congress of the United States to express the deep sensibility of the nation to the event of the decease of Mr. Madison, just announced by the President of the United States. The resolution was unanimously adopted; and, On motion of Mr. RIVES, the committee was appointed by the Chair, consisting of the following gentlemen: Messrs. RIVES, CLAY, CALHOUN, GRUNDY, BUCHANAN, LEIGH, and TALL MADGE. Supplementary Deposit Bill. The bill supplemental to the act to regulate the public deposits was read the third time and passed, by yeas and nays, as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Bayard, Buchanan, Clayton, Cuthdricks, Kent, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, bert, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, HenLinn, Nicholas, Niles, Page, Porter, Preston, Robbins, Robinson, Southard, Swift, Tomlinson, Wall, Wright-24. NAYS.-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Mangum, Moore Walker, White-6. Respect to James Madison. Mr. RIVES, from the select committee appointed to meet such committee as might be appointed by the other House to consider and report by what token of respect and affection it may be proper for the Congress of the United States to express the deep sensibility of the nation in the event of the decease of Mr. Madison, reported the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: "The President of the United States having com municated to the two Houses of Congress the melancholy intelligence of the death of their illustrious fellow-citizen, James Madison, of Virginia, late President of the United States, and the two Houses sharing in the general grief which this distressing event must produce "Resolved by the Senate and House of Represent atives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the chairs of the President of the Senate and of the Speaker of the House of Representatives be shrouded in black during the residue of the session, and that the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the members and officers of both Houses, wear the usual badge of mourning for thirty days. "Resolved, That it be recommended to the people of the United States to wear crape on the left arm, as mourning, for thirty days. "Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to Mrs. Madison, and to assure her of the profound respect of the two Houses of Congress for her person and character, and of their sincere condolence on the late afflicting dispensation of Providence." FRIDAY, July 1. President of the Senate pro tem. At eleven o'clock, A. M., the Secretary ed the Senate to order; and, Texas. [JULY, 1836. Mr. PRESTON moved the Senate to take up the resolution of the Committee on Foreign Relations, on the subject of Texas. Mr. PRESTON made some remarks, in the course of which he stated that he had with difficulty restrained himself from offering an amendment to recognize the independence of Texas immediately. He gave a brief narrative of the events of the revolution in Texas, and stated that he had this morning received authentic information, in the form of a letter from Mr. Austin, which confirms the statement that General Filasola had carried into effect the armistice agreed on between the Texan Government and Santa Anna. This treaty Mr. P. regarded as amounting to a recognition on the The Vice President of Texas was about to propart of Mexico of the independence of Texas. ceed to Vera Cruz, to enforce from the mouths of the Texan guns the conclusion of a definitive treaty of peace between the two countries. Mr. CLAY said he had no objection to the amendment, as it is in consonance with the tone of the report. He did not agree that the fact of a new State having expelled her enemy, or having even captured the head of the hostile force, was, of itself, sufficient to warrant a recognition of her independence as one of the family of nations. In reference to the remark of the Senator that Texas only could carry into call-effect the treaty we have negotiated with Mexico, (Mr. C. said,) no principle in the law of nations was more settled than that the branches of a nation were bound to fulfil the stipulations of a treaty made by the head; and Texas was now as much bound by the treaty with Mexico, as was Mexico herself. On motion of Mr. WEBSTER, the Senate proceeded to the election of a President pro tem.; and the ballots being counted, it appeared that Mr. KING, of Alabama, was elected President of the Senate, pro tem., and he was conducted to the chair by Mr. WHITE. Mr. WEBSTER added a few words to express his entire acquiescence in the resolution of the committee and the amendment. He was will President to send out a proper minister. But against a direct recognition he thought there existed strong objections. It was the proper function of the President to take the lead in this matter. He was of the opinion that the recency of the revolution was an objection to immediate recognition. Mr. WALKER made some remarks to show that Mexico had never exercised the power of government in Texas, except during a short interval when Santa Anna was in Texas. The President pro tem. returned his thanks to the following effect: Gentlemen of the Senate: This flattering manifes-ing to go so far as to vote funds to enable the tation of the confidence and respect of my brother Senators fills my heart with the liveliest sensibility. To be called to preside over the deliberations of the Senate of the United States, distinguished as it is for intelligence, moral worth, and a patriotic devotion to the principles of liberty, is an honor of which the first in this land might be justly proud. I shall enter, gentlemen, upon the discharge of the duties which your kindness has devolved upon me, with the determination to discharge them zealously, faithfully, and impartially. I am, however, fully aware that, unless I am sustained by the Mr. BUCHANAN concurred in every sentiment Senate, all my efforts correctly and usefully to dis- expressed in the report of the committee, and charge them must prove vain and fruitless; but congratulated the Senate on the spectacle exthe order, the decorum, which has heretofore sohibited by the people of the United States, eminently distinguished the Senate of the United States; the courtesy and good feeling which has uniformly marked the official and social intercourse of its members, gives to me the strongest assurance that I may confidently rely on their kindness and support. I earnestly request honorable Senators to make proper allowances for the errors into which I may occasionally fall, and to aid me in correcting them. who, although operated upon by the strongest feelings of indignation at the outrageous conduct of the Mexicans, had confined themselves within the limits of our established policy. He did not perceive that any disadvantage could result to Texas from a little delay, now that she is in the full tide of her prosperity. Mr. CALHOUN congratulated the Senate on JULY, 1836.] Adjournment. [SENATE. the tone of the discussion; stated that he had | cannot be without its own intrinsic difficulties hoped we should be ready to recognize Texas and perplexities. before now; but under existing circumstances, he thought we should only go at present so far as the report and resolution contemplate. Mr. NILES said that he did not wish to prolong the debate; yet, from the relation in which he stood to the subject, he felt it a duty to express his approbation of the resolution which had been reported by the Committee on Foreign Affairs. He fully concurred in the views of the committee. He thought they had gone far enough, and had stopped at the proper point. He had on a former occasion expressed the opinion that it would be premature unqualifiedly to recognize the independence of Texas at this time, and he had seen nothing to change this opinion. Mr. SOUTHARD said: I am not prepared to unite in the general expression of a belief that the independence of Texas is secured, and her struggle over. It seems to me impossible that this can be the case. Texas may-she probably will—at some period, perhaps not remote, establish her independence on a foundation which Mexico cannot shake. She has temptations to offer to enterprise, ambition, and avarice, to the better and the baser passions of our nature, which may draw to her very efficient aid in her conflict, and will, probably, carry her triumphantly through it. Mr. BENTON said he should confine himself strictly to the proposition presented in the resolution, and should not complicate the abstract question of recognition with speculations on the future fate of Texas. Such speculations could have no good effect upon either of the countries interested; upon Mexico, Texas, or the United States. Texas has not asked for admission into this Union. Her independence is still contested by Mexico. Her boundaries, and other importantt points in her political condition, are not yet adjusted. To discuss the question of her admission into this Union, under these circumstances, is to treat her with disrespect, to embroil ourselves with Mexico, to compromise the disinterestedness of our motives in the eyes of Europe, and to start among ourselves prematurely, and without reason, a question, which, whenever it comes, I voted in 1821 to acknowledge the absolute independence of Mexico; I vote now to recognize the contingent and expected independence of Texas. In both cases the vote is given upon the same principle-upon the principle of disjunction where conjunction is impossible or disastrous. The union of Mexico and Spain had become impossible; that of Mexcio and Texas is no longer desirable or possible. A more fatal present could not be made than that of the future incorporation of the Texas of La Salle with the ancient empire of Montezuma. They could not live together, and extermination is not the genius of the age; and, besides, is more easily talked of than done. Bloodshed only could be the fruit of their conjunction; and every drop of that blood would be the dragon's teeth sown upon the earth. No wise Mexican should wish to have this Trojan horse shut up within their walls. The debate was continued by Mr. PRESTON, who asked for the yeas and nays on the resolution; and it was unanimously adopted. MONDAY, July 4. Adjournment. After the consideration of executive business, A Message was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. DONELSON, his secretary, stating that he had signed the several bills (specifying them by their titles) submitted to him on that day. The motion submitted by Mr. GRUNDY, for the appointment of a joint committee to wait on the President of the United States to inform him that the two Houses of Congress were ready to adjourn, and desiring to know whether he had any further communications to make to them, was taken up and agreed to. After waiting some time, Mr. GRUNDY, from the joint committee appointed to wait on the President, reported that they had performed the duty assigned them, and that the President had answered that he had no further communications to make to Congress. On motion of Mr. BUCHANAN, INDEX TO VOL. XII. A A. B. Plot, The.-See Index, vol. 8, Edwards, Ninian, Ad- ADAMS, JOHN, Representative from New York, 885. on the tariff, 163; Representative from Massachusetts, Appropriations.-See Index, vols. 1, 2, 8, 5, 7, 8, 11. Ardent Spirits in the Navy.-See Index, vol. 10. In the Senate, the bill for the admission of, considered, Addresses of the Senate and House in answer to Presi- | Army desertion, Prevention of.-See Index, vol. 8, and In- Adjournment of Congress.-See Index, vols. 7, 10. Admirals in the Navy, 775. See Index, vol. 2. der, vol. 9, Desertion. Army.-See Index, vols. 1, 2, 4, 5 7, 10. Army Commissariat.—Bill relative to, 432. African Slaves and Slavery.-See Index, vols. 1, 2, and In- ASHLEY, WILLIAM H., Representative from Missouri, 386. Africans captured.-See Index, vol. 9. Agriculture, Committee on.-See Index, vol. 8. Allegiance, Foreign.-See Index, vol. 1; also Index, vols. ALLEN, CHILTON, Representative from Kentucky, 385; on See Index, vol. 11. Assault on the President's Secretary.-See Index, vol. 10. Attorney General, Office of.—See Index, vol. 10. B ALLEN, HEMAN, Representative from Vermont, 885. See Bahama Banks.—See Index, vol. 9. ALLEN, JOHN J., Representative from Virginia, 385; on the ALLEN, WILLIAM, Representative from Ohio, 856. Baltimore.--In the House, memorials praying for the com- Amendment of the Journal of the House.-See Index, Bank of England.—See Index, vol. 11. Amendment of the Constitution.-In the Senate, a propo- Amy Dardin's Horse.-See Index, vols. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 11. APPLETON, NATHAN, on the tariff, 157. See Index, vol. 11. Bank of the United States.-In the House, a bill for the Recharter of-In the Senate, leave to bring in a bill the true question before Congress and the country- The Government intended to be a hard money Gov- In the House, a memorial from the Government di- In the House, a letter from the Secretary of the Bankrupt Act.-See Index, vols. 2, 3, 7. Finance Committee to investigate the condition of, con- In the House, a resolution for the Committee of State Banks, as Depositories.-In the House, a resolu- Deposit Regulation Bill.-In the House, the bill con- absolute, 499; power of making selections continued in Change of views, 501; this bill gives the sanction of The Government should be disconnected from the BANKS, JoпN, Representative from Pennsylvania, 385. See BARBER, NOYES, Representative from Connecticut, 885. See BARNITZ, CHARLES A., Representative from Pennsylvania, 885. Barracks at New Orleans.-See Index, vol. 9. BARRinger, Daniel L, Representative from North Caroli- BATES, ISAAC C., Representative from Massachusetts, 885; Batture at New Orleans.-See Index, vol. 4; do. at St. BAYARD, RICHARD, Senator from Delaware, 774. BAYLIES, WILLIAM, Representative from Massachusetts, 385. Belgium, Mission to.-See Index, vol. 11. BELL, JAMES M., Representative from Ohio, 886. BELL, SAMUEL, Senator from New Hampshire, 193; pre- BENTON, THOMAS H., on distribution of the proceeds of the |