pretends to be. If he is the latter, Providence seems to have opened to us an opportunity of conducting this thorny business to a happy conclusion.

Colonel Smith will go to Paris to communicate the whole to Mr. Jefferson, and entreat him to come over to London in order to finish as much as possible of it, immediately, and to agree with the Portuguese Minister at the same time. Mr. Jefferson has long projected a visit to England, and this will be a good opportunity. No notice will be taken of it publicly in America, and his real errand will be concealed from the public here.

If the sum limited by Congress should be insufficient, we shall be embarrassed; and, indeed, a larger sum could not be commanded, unless a new loan should be opened in Holland. I doubt not a million of guilders might be obtained there upon the same terms with the last two millions. This would enable Congress to pay their interest in Europe, and to pay the French officers, who are uneasy. With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, February 22, 1786.

On Monday evening another conference was held with the Tripoline Ambassador, attended with his interpreter, Benamor, who is a decent man, and very ready in the English as well as Arabic and Italian. The foreign Ministers here say it is the custom of all the Ambassadors from Barbary to be much connected with Jews, to whom they are commonly recommended. It may be supposed the Jews have interested motives, and, therefore, although their interference cannot be avoided, they ought to be objects of jealousy. Benamor soon betrayed proofs enough that he had no aversion to the Ambassador's obtaining large terms.

The Ambassador, who is known to many of the foreign Ministers here, is universally well spoken of.

When he began to explain himself concerning his demands, he said, they would be different, according to the duration of the treaty. If that were perpetual, they would be greater; if for a

term of years, less. His advice was that it should be perpetual. Once signed by the Bashaw, Dey, and other officers, it would be indissoluble and binding forever upon all their successors; but if a temporary treaty were made, it might be difficult and expensive to revive it; for a perpetual treaty, such as they had now with Spain, a sum of thirty thousand guineas must be paid upon the delivery of the articles signed by the Dey and other officers. If it were agreed to, he would send his secretary by land to Marseilles, and from thence by water to Tripoli, who should bring it back by the same route, signed by the Dey, &c. He had proposed so small a sum in consideration of the circumstances, but declared it was not half of what had been lately paid them by Spain. If we chose to treat upon a different plan, he would make a treaty perpetual, upon the payment of twelve thousand five hundred guineas for the first year, and three thousand guineas annually, until the thirty thousand guineas were paid. It was observed that these were large sums, and vastly beyond expectation; but his Excellency answered that they never made a treaty for less. Upon the arrival of the prize, the Dey and other officers were entitled by law to large shares, by which they might make greater profits than these sums amounted to, and they never would give up this advantage for less.

He was told that although there was a full power to treat, the American Ministers were limited to a much smaller sum, so that it would be impossible to do anything until we could write to Congress and know their pleasure. Colonel Smith was present at this, as he had been at the last conference, and agreed to go to Paris to communicate all to Mr. Jefferson, and persuade him to come here that we may join in further conferences, and transmit the result to Congress. The Ambassador believed that Tunis and Morocco would treat upon the same terms, but would not answer for Algiers. They would demand more. When Mr. Jefferson arrives we shall insist upon knowing the ultimatum, and transmit it to Congress.

Congress will perceive that one hundred and twenty thousand guineas will be indispensable to conclude with the four Powers at this rate, besides a present to the Ambassadors, and other incidental charges. Besides this a present of five hundred guineas is made upon the arrival of a Consul in each State. No man wishes more fervently that the expense could be less, but the fact cannot be altered, and the truth ought not to be concealed.

It may be reasonably concluded that this great affair cannot be finished for much less than two hundred thousand pounds sterling. There is no place in Europe or America where Congress can obtain such a sum but in Holland; perhaps a loan for two millions of guilders might be filled in Amsterdam upon the terms of the last. If it is not done, this war will cost us more millions of sterling money in a short time; besides the miserable depression of the reputation of the United States, the cruel embarrassment of all our commerce, and the intolerable burthen of insurance, added to the cries of our countrymen in captivity.

The probable success of Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lamb need not be pointed out.

If a perpetual peace were made with these States, the character of the United States would instantly rise all over the world, our commerce, navigation, and fisheries would extend into the Mediterranean, to Spain and Portugal, France and England. The additional profits would richly repay the interest, and our credit would be adequate to all our wants.

Colonel Smith is gone to Paris. He departed yesterday. By the sixth article of the Confederation, "no State, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy 'to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, 'agreement, alliance, or treaty with any King, Prince, or State."

All the States are so deeply interested in this case, that surely no separate State can have occasion to move for the consent of Congress upon this occasion; but if, unexpectedly, Congress should not agree to treat, there are several States in the Union so deeply interested in navigation, that it would richly compensate each of them to go to the whole extent of two hundred thousand pounds to obtain peace; nevertheless, a single State might obtain peace and security for its ships at a much cheaper rate.

With great and sincere esteem, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, February 26, 1786.

The Envoy from Portugal has received from his Court an answer to his despatches, relative to the treaty with the United States, and the enclosed extract from it, which has been delayed some time by

the sickness of the Chevalier de Freire, the Portuguese Secretary of Legation, that Minister did me the honor to deliver to me two days ago, with his request that it might be transmitted to Congress. At the same time he delivered me the enclosed state of the trade between the United States and Portugal the last year.

When Mr. Jefferson arrives we shall endeavor to finish this business.

The proposition of sending and receiving a Minister has been many times made before. Congress will, no doubt, answer this which is now made, formally and officially. The regard which is due from one sovereign to another, and, indeed, common decency, seems to require it. To refuse it would be thought surprising; indeed, according to all the rules of politeness between nations and sovereigns, it ought to be left at the option of her most faithful Majesty to send what grade of public Minister she shall judge proper, and assurances should be given of the most amicable disposition of Congress to receive him with all the respect due to his sovereign, and to send a Minister to her Majesty of equal character.

The United States are at this moment suffering severely for want of an equitable adjustment of their affairs with the Powers of Europe and Africa, which can never be accomplished but by conforming to the usages established in the world.

If the United States would come to the resolution to prohibit all foreign vessels from coming to their ports, and confine all exports and imports to their own ships and seamen, they would do, for any thing that I know, the wisest thing which human prudence could dictate; but then the consequence would be obvious: they must give up the most of their commerce, and live by their agriculture. In this case they might recall their Ministers, and send no more.

On the other hand, if the United States would adopt the principle of the French economists, and allow the ships and merchants of all nations equal privileges with their own citizens, they need not give themselves any further trouble about treaties or Ambassadors. The consequence, nevertheless, would be the sudden annihilation of all their manufactures and navigation. We should have the most luxurious set of farmers that ever existed, and should not be able to defend our sea-coast against the insults of a pirate.

As these are the two extremes that we know Americans will never consent to, we must vindicate our own manufactures and navigation by legislation at home and negotiation abroad; and, therefore,

the prejudices against exchanges of public Ministers will be found some of the most pernicious that ever have arisen among American citizens. Laws at home must be made in conformity to the state of affairs abroad, which can never be known to Congress but by Ambassadors.

With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Extract of a Letter from M. de Melho e Castro, Minister and Secretary of State of her most faithful Majesty, to the Chevalier del Pinto, Minister of her said Majesty at the Court of London.

Sir,

Lisbon, January 4, 1786.

You may candidly reply to the observations of Mr. Adams, that, as to the permission of selling American vessels in the ports of this kingdom, there does not exist the least difficulty; that privilege being common, at present, for all nations, under certain regulations and established principles.

But as to the article of flour, it appears very singular here that it should be insisted on as a capital point, and considered as an essential obstacle to the accomplishment of a treaty of commerce between the two States. One would imagine that the subjects of the United States ought to be fully satisfied with the advantages which they already derive from the sale of their grain in Portugal, and would not envy the poor people of this Kingdom the small benefit arising from the manufacture.

This regulation, therefore, is so just in its principles and impartial. in its effects, that none of the European nations accustomed to a like trade have said anything against it, and that even Russia, whose transportation and navigation are much more difficult, has not thought proper to make any objection; besides, custom, which regulates everything, demonstrates that the difficulties mentioned are specious, since the greatest part of the American vessels which have entered at Lisbon in the course of the last year were laden with grain from North America; and you will be able to judge yourself, by the representation herewith enclosed, what great advantages this growing commerce promises, and the consequences that will result therefrom to Portugal and the United States.