to recover much of his debt. Here his lordship interrupted me, and said, I have seen one remarkable instance of the violence and unreasonableness of private resentment, when Mr. Chase was here from Maryland, in one of the trustees of the Maryland stock. Mr. Chase produced, from the Legislature of Maryland, authority to make full compensation to a relation of that trustee from an estate that had been confiscated, but he would not accept it, though I told him he would not be able to prevent the claim of Maryland, but would probably hurt his own interest, or that of his relation. I told his lordship I had yesterday received a letter from Mr. Paca, the Governor of Maryland, relative to the claim of that State, and should be glad to do them any service with his lordship or elsewhere, respecting that affair. That if his lordship gave their full weight to all these considerations, he must see the motives and the necessity of restraining the impetuosity of creditors. His lordship then read me, from a late petition to him from the merchants, an account of a bill lately brought into the Assembly of Virginia, for paying the debts by instalments, which he understood had been lost by a sudden storm or frost. The merchants complained of the cutting off the interest during the war, of the long term of years, and of the restraint from preventing the alienation of property, or of removal of debtors into the wilderness.

His Lordship heard me very attentively, and said that he hoped we should be able, with patience and time, to adjust all these things; that we should probably meet with many rubs in our way; that passion and private interest would sometimes be in our way, on both sides; but while the Ministers on both sides could keep right, he should think we might succeed; for his part, he was for attending to every consideration, and giving it its just weight, and he desired me to give him in writing something to begin upon. He thought the affair of the posts the most pressing, and wished I would begin with that. I told his Lordship that I would let him know, between him and me, that I had instructions to require the evacuation of the posts and surrender of all our territory, but wished to conduct the business with all the delicacy that was possible; and, therefore, 1 wished rather to inquire of his Lordship what were the intentions of his Majesty's Ministers, and whether they had already expedited orders for the evacuation of the posts, &c. His Lordship said I must give him my inquiries in writing, that he might have a ground for making

those inquiries himself, as it was an affair in another department. I agreed accordingly to make an office of it.

I shall at first confine myself to decent inquiries concerning the orders given, or to be given; and if I receive positive assurances that explicit orders are gone to the Governor and Commander-inChief in Canada to evacuate all the posts and territories, I shall content myself to wait; but if I do not obtain such explicit assurances, I shall think it my duty to present a memorial, with a decent but firm requisition. I shall transmit to you, sir, every step of my progress; but I find it very tedious-and fear you will find it more so-to transmit particular circumstances in detail. When one looks over again a letter in which he has attempted it, he finds a multitude of things omitted, or but half represented.

With great esteem, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

P. S. I forgot a circumstance of some consequence. His Lordship said he had seen in the gazettes some proceedings at Boston, which he was very sorry to see. I answered that I had seen them in the same gazettes, as I supposed, and had no more authentic account of them; that I had no authority to say anything officially about them, but, as an individual, I might say that the observations I just had the honor to make to his Lordship concerning the state of the commerce between the two countries, would be sufficient to explain to his Lordship the motives to those proceedings, and to convince his Lordship of the probability of such sentiments and proceedings becoming general throughout the United States, and alienating the commerce of that country from this, either by increasing manufactures in America, or opening new channels of commerce with other countries; which might easily be done unless some arrangements were made which might facilitate remittances. It was so obviously the true policy of this country to facilitate remittances from America, and to encourage everything we could send, as the Americans think, that when they find remittances discouraged, impeded, and even prohibited, it was natural to expect they would be alarmed, and begin to look out for other resources; that my fellow-citizens were very confident they had the power in their own hands to do themselves justice, as soon as they should find it denied them here; but I hoped the difficulties would all be removed here. The whole conference was conducted with perfect good humor, and, on the part of his Lordship, with perfect politeness.

Dear Sir,

FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

Office for Foreign Affairs, August 26, 1785.

It gives me pleasure to inform you that your letters of 2d, 6th, and 17th June last have been received, and were this day laid before Congress, who, I am persuaded, will read them with as much satisfaction as I have done. You have been in a situation that required much circumspection. I think you have acquitted yourself in a manner that does you honor.

The vessel that is to carry this sails in the morning, so that at present, I can only add my best wishes, and assure you that I am, &c.,

JOHN JAY.

REPORT OF SECRETARY JAY ON HIS LETTER OF INSTRUCTION TO THE AMERICAN MINISTER AT LONDON.

Office for Foreign Affairs, June 23, 1785.

The Secretary of the United States for the Department of Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred his letter of the 19th ultimo to his Excellency the President of Congress, reports thereupon:

That, in his opinion, it would be advisable to permit your Secretary to write a letter of the following tenor, in cyphers, and by a private hand, to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of London, viz:

Sir,

It is more than probable that this letter will find you in London. The manner of your reception at that Court, and its temper, views, and dispositions respecting American objects, are matters concerning which particular information might be no less useful than it is interesting. Your letters will, I am persuaded, remove all suspense on those points.

While men or States are influenced by their passions and their interest alternately, without having reduced their pursuit of either to system, it is impossible to predict which of those motives will preponderate on certain occasions, and render certain combinations of circumstances.

Hence it is uncertain how far and in what instances the national ill temper of Britain towards this country may lead that kingdom to gratify it at the expense of a more conciliating and advantageous policy.

It is well known that these countries, prior to the late war, carried on a valuable trade with Honduras and Campeachy, and employed above one hundred vessels in exchanging, at the English settlements, beef, pork, and other kinds of provision for logwood, mahogany, sarsaparilla, &c.,

It being the policy of Spain to keep other nations at a distance from their American dominions, she beholds these settlements with pain and jealousy.

The uneasiness which subsists at present between those two nations on that subject, seems to offer us an opportunity of negotiating with the English for a participation in their right to cut logwood, or at least to trade with them as formerly.

They may, perhaps, think it expedient to strengthen their footing in those parts by interesting us in the advantages resulting from their continuing to maintain it.

It would not be difficult for you to sound the Minister so effectually, and yet circumspectly on this head, as to enable you to discern his disposition and sentiments on the one hand, and yet avoid committing either Congress or yourself on the other, as the experiment, whether successful or not, can cost little, as in the one event it may produce good, and the other no inconveniences can follow. I think it would be advisable to make it.

Various considerations, of which I am sure you are apprized, render it necessary to manage this matter with caution and secrecy, as well on account of those with whom you may have to negotiate as of those who may eventually be affected, or think themselves so, by the issue.

The English and their Minister do not like us; and you know dislike and disgust, whether well or ill founded, always oppose, and frequently exclude, both confidence and candor; in such cases, therefore, constant provision and much circumspection are requisite.

Your knowledge of Spain, and the political relation in which she stands to us and to others, make it unnecessary to observe that the measure in question would, if known, meet with strong, if not open, opposition from that, and probably from other quarters.

I shall write another official letter to you by this conveyance, and am, with great respect and esteem, &c.

All which is submitted to the wisdom of Congress.

JOHN JAY.

Dear Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Bath Hotel, Westminster, June 26, 1785.

By the ninth article of the Confederation, the United States, in Congress assembled, have the sole and exclusive right and power of entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatsoever.

I have ventured, sir, in some former letters to you, notwithstanding the delicacy of tampering with the Confederation, to suggest to your consideration whether it may not be necessary for the States to reconsider this proviso, and give to Congress unlimited authority to enter into treaties of commerce with foreign Powers, at least for a limited term of years. I have also inquired whether it might not be necessary for the States to confer upon Congress authority to regulate the external commerce of all the members of the Confederation for a like term of years.

If the States should hesitate at this, I am persuaded they would readily comply with the recommendations of Congress to this effect. For example, if Congress should recommend to the Legislatures of the States to lay duties, heavy duties, upon all British vessels entering into or clearing out of their ports, especially upon all vessels coming from or bound to the West India Islands, Nova Scotia, Canada, or Newfoundland, and upon all merchandizes imported from, or exported to, any ports of the British dominions, I can scarcely doubt that every Legislature would immediately comply; and by this means our own navigation would be encouraged, and the British discouraged to such a degree as to compel the British Government to enter into an equitable treaty. Nay, I cannot doubt the readiness of the States to comply with a recommendation of Congress wholly to prohibit British vessels and merchandizes.

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