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fufpicion, that neither the inclinations of the subjects, nor the intereft of the nation, were regarded by the fovereign and his minifters. On this account, many things inconfiftent with candour and charity, were furmifed, and oftentimes publicly affirmed, for which there was no certain proof, nor the leaft public evidence. It will not from hence follow, that the oppofition of the nation to the measures of the minister, proceeded from a fpirit of faction and reftlefsnefs; for while the people faw a man at the helm who knew to fteer his courfe with wifdom and fuccefs, they voluntarily gave both him and his mafter all due honour and applaufe. They confidered the removalof this favourtie from his majesty's fervice as a public difrefpect fhewn to the national approbation; and concluded, that fome new ideas of favouritifm ruled in the cabinet, unknown in the two former reigns. It was faid that the former minifter was haughty, that his ambition was boundless, that he wanted to rule both the king and the nation, and that he had not fhewn that refpect to his fovereign which became a ferThese reflections were grounded upon his refufing to ferve jointly in the cabinet, and in the miniftry, with men whofe principles he abhorred, and of whofe abilities he had no opinion. He had propofed to reach a blow to Spain at a time when her behaviour was equivocal, that would have inftantly made her feel, and prevented a tedious war, which afterwards was carried on at a great expence of blood and treasure: But this propofal was rejected as unfair and ungenerous, and not confiftent with the laws of nations. Fruitless queries were fent, and equivocal anfwers returned, till the Spanish flota arrived, and then the court of Madrid pulled off the mafk. From this Lord Chatham concluded, that it was impoffible

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to carry on a war with fuccefs, or to manage the na tional affairs with honour, jointly with men, who either through partiality or want of capacity, were on every occafion to be a clog to his meafures; and as refponfibility was connected with his office, he found it dangerous to unite with partners who would be ready. to impute their own blunders to his management, and then fhelter themselves under the protection of the. royal favour. What, therefore many have attributed to his pride, would rather appear to have, proceeded from his fagacity, and his difcernment of the character of thofe that were propofed to be joined with him in the management of public affairs.' Lus ne

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The difcontent which had for, fome time raged in. the nation on account of fo difadvantageous a peace, after a fuccefsful war, was fcarcely abated, when ano ther alarm was given by a new duty impofed on cyder and perry, at the rate of four. fhillings the hogfhead. This, though as reafonable as many other taxes upon the neceffaries of life, raised a prodigious ferment in thofe counties in England, where thefe commodities are in the greatest abundance. Such was the oppofition made to this new law, that the legislature was obliged, for the fake of the quiet of the nation, three years after, to repeal it. This condefcenfion of the parliament and the legislative powers, though it af fuaged the torrent of clamour and outrage, which was increased to a great pitch, had not all the effects that might have been expected. The nation confidered the repeal of this law to proceed more from the weakness of the ministry, than from a fincere defire in the legislature to make the fubjects eafy: The refcinding this act therefore, rather increafed their prefumption, than conciliated their affections: They were ftill ready to join in new clamours when the

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fmalleft occafion was given. When minifters of state once fall under a fufpicion of behaving in an arbitrary manner, there is fcarcely any of their actions, however innocent, that pafs without cenfure from those in oppofition: And the public at large, who are always jealous of their own liberties, are for the most part ready to fupport fuch as appear to be on their fide.

The government, fince the conclufion of the peace had been cafting about and projecting feveral schemes, for railing 2 revenue to fupport the credit of the mother country, by contriving ways and means to raise fums to pay the intereft of the national debt; but as the number of penfioners were not reduced, and many enormous fums were paid to place of finecure, all the methods that had as yet been devifed were found ineffectual to anfwer the intentions of the miniftry. They began at laft to turn their attention to a new fubject, which in conclufion brought on diforders in the empire, and has at last issued in a civil war and revolt of thirteen colonies. As the merchants in Britain had been enriched by their traffic in America, and government had for many years received a large revenue from the trade of that country; the minifters began to imagine that there was an inexhaustible fund of riches and wealth in the colonies, to answer their prefent purpofe, as well as to be adequate for future emergencies. Without examining strictly into the confequences which might follow a too precipitate determination in a point fo new and fo delicate, they agreed to raise a new revenue in the colonies from an inland taxation. But before they proceeded to this dangerous and critical point, the legislature of Great Britain in 1764, impofe a new tax upon America, to the amount of 431,5771. os.id. This was

to be totally raised by new impofts and duties upon her trade and commerce; and though the feveral duties impofed were principally raised from articles of luxury, yet this law was a great restraint upon the trade of America. But what is the worst part of this new act of parliament, it permits litigious informations and law fuits, where the perfons whofe property has been unjustly seized, have no damages, provided the court fhall determine that there was a probability of the charge brought against them being true. This was a mean to give an handle to ill-natured perfons, who knew they were in no danger, to diftrefs innocent people, and put them to a great deal of unneceffary expences.

There is one proceeding of parliament which can, not be reconciled with the principles of either juftice or found policy. After affeffing all the foreign articles of luxury imported into America, they proceeded to reftrain the colonists from exporting their fuperfluous commodities to the Spanish and French colonies.

This trade, which had been formerly winked at, though not strictly agreeable to the laws of trade and navigation, was of great advantage to both the colonies and the mother country. Thofe articles which would have been as lumber upon their hands, and could not have been useful to Great Britain, were fold to the Spaniards and French for ready money, or bartered for valuable commodities, for which there is always a demand in Europe. This enabled the colonies to pay their bills in fpecie to the merchants at home, or to afford them fuch merchandize as was equivalent to ready money. The advantage in this cafe was mutual, and both Great Britain and her colonies were profited by the traffic. What were the fecret fprings of action which moved the British legi

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flature to prefer this impolitic ftatute, is not eafy' to perceive, unless by liftening to the reports of British Weft-India merchants, who might conceive that it would enable the French and Spaniards to underfell them at foreign markets, and of confequence reduce their profits, they were feduced to give way to their folicitations. It is fufficiently evident that this trade was a real benefit to all the three parties concerned. In the time of war it had been carried on by flags of truce between Great Britain and France, as a public benefit to both, till the French Weft-India islands being fhut up by our fleets, it was conceived that the French had more advantage by it than England, and for that reafon it was restrained as a treasonable practice. But this laft reafon of reftraint had no exiftence after the peace was concluded, and ought therefore to have been taken off instead of receiving fresh parliamentary confirmation.

Unreasonable as this law may appear to be, the method of putting it in execution was ftill more abfurd and oppreffive. A number of armed cutters were fitted out and stationed upon the coafts of Ameri ca, to prevent this fuppofed contraband trade, the captains of which were to act in the character of revenue officers, and to determine what fhips were liable to the penalties of this act, and what exempt from them. The greatest part of thefe new naval revenue officers, were totally ftrangers to the nature of their employment. They were ready frequently to detain fhips which came not within the defcription of the act, as deing unacquainted with the character of the commodities with which they were loaded: And by unneceffary detention of trading veffels; interrupted trade, without bringing any thing into the treasury. When, through their ignorance, or infolence, a law

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