they had been gained out of the fea around its coafts, and joined to its land: For being in different climates, they afford greater variety of produce, and materials for more manufactures; and being fepara ted by the ocean, they increase much more its fhip. ping and feamen; and,fince they are included in the British empire, which has only extended itself by their means; and the strength and wealth of the parts is the strength and wealth of the whole; what importsit to the general ftate, whether a merchant, a smith, or a hatter, grow rich in Old or New England? And if, through increase of people, two fmiths are wanted, for one employed before, why may not the new fmith be allowed to live and thrive in the new coun try, as well as the old one in the old?. In fine, why fhould the countenance of a state be partially afforded to its people, unless it be moft in favour of thofe, who have moft merit? And if there be any difference, thofe who have moft contributed to enlarge Britain's empire and commerce, encrease her ftrength, her. wealth, and the numbers of her people, at the risk of their own lives and private fortunes, in new and ftrange countries, methinks ought rather to expect, fome preference. With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honour to be. Your excellency's moft obedient, It is plain from the above account, which Governor Shirley was intimately acquainted with, that the reason why the English colonists received affiftance from Britain, was because the English parliament would not fuffer them to defend themfelves, but wanted to form plans of operation in a country they did not know, to drain a perpetual tax from the colonies for an occafional affiftance. They were fo far from fupplicating government for affiftance, that they would willingly have done without it, provided they had been permitted to have purfued their own measures. Arguments in favour of a war between the members of the fame empire, ought to be exceedingly plain and felf-evident, and the reafons of engaging in it fo convincing to indifferent perfons, and bye-ftanders, on the fide of the party which pretends a right to profe cute the other, that there fhould be nothing doubtful or fufpicious in the premises or the conclufion. Partiality and felf-intereft may blind the eyes of the parties concerned; but the public at large, or fuch as are not engaged in the controverfy, will judge according to truth. We fhall find in the fequel of this hiftory, how differently men have reafoned upon the fprings,, and caufe of this unhappy and ruinous war, and how different parties have coloured that fide of the que ftion they have efpoufed. Arguments, when they are brought to fupport fanguinary meafares, had much need to be ftrong and well founded: every one of them ought to be as felf-evidently true, and as confiftent with the dictates of the divine mind, as the precepts of the decalogue, otherwife they ought never to be put in practice. CHAP CHAP. II. The distress of the nation through the stoppage of tradeDebates in parliament concerning the repeal of the Stamp Act-the arguments used on both fides of the question-the joy of the nation upon repealing the act-the right of taxation confirmed, &c. Iri ANNO DOMINI 1766. T is no wonder when we confider the tranfactions of the preceeding two years, that both this country and the colonies were in a diftracted and an uneafy fituation; commerce was funk, and the manufactures were in a great measure at a stand; provifions exceedingly dear, and many labourers without employment. Thoufands had no vifible methods of providing for themselves and families, however willing they were to work to fupply their neceffities. That fource of supply which fupported our manufacturers at home was now ftop ped: The colonists were neither able nor willing to pay for the goods they had received, nor were they difpofed to continue their ufual trade with the mother country. In America every thing was in a state of anarchy and confufion: The laws were fufpended, and the lawless committed many outrages with impunity. Under a pretence of liberty, bad men gave full reins to their vicious inclinations, as is common in a state of univerfal commotion. The common people, who though they are not in general the most vicious, yet are often easiest mifled; when they affembled in bodies went into extravagances H travagances of the moft licentious kind. The fober part were not able to reftrain the impetuofity of a multitude, without law, magiftracy, or order; nor did they find it convenient to ule means to reftrain a temper, which they perceived might on fome future occasion, serve the purposes they had in view. They were defigned to oppofe the ftamp act, and they cold do nothing without the aid of the people. There were two things which gave the colonists an advantage over our manufacturers at home, they were in poffeffion of large quantities of British goods, which were yet unpaid, and they had an extensive country abounding with many neceffary articles fitted for all the conveniences of life. Thefe prevented them from feeling fo fmartly the immediate effe&s of this univerfal ftagnation in bufinefs, occafioned by the ftamp act. To these may be added the flame of zeal for liberty being put in fuch a strong agitation by this new law, made them bear difficulties which in other cafes would have been intolerable. Our manufacturers at home not being under the influence of the fame enthusiasm, were ready to defpond and fink at the profpect of their future diftreffes; and as many of them had lavishly fquandered what they had earned by their labour, they had laid nothing up for a time of calamity. They were therefore oppreffed, without having the fame fource of animation which fupported the colonists. The million of debt which the Americans owed the merchants in this country, rendered them incapable to carry on bufinefs as formerly, and the effects of this evil were foon felt feverely. The poor rates encreased; the poor were ill provided for, and the nation complained; univerfal discontent reigned in every quarter of the empire, and the ministry were blamed for all. Some at home were L were for enforcing the stamp act by military power at once, and for fending a powerful armamen give fanction to this new act of parliament. Others confidered this measure as both impolitic and unnatural; like making one member of the body deiti oy another, and affirmed that it would be better to repeal the act than waste any part of the empire with fire and fword. This was undoubtedly both a rational and judicious opinion; for though they fhould have forced the Americans to have fuffered the ftamps to have continued, they could not have forced them to have used them, except they had pleased, unless in certain cafes; for provided they had been difpofed to have trusted one another upon common paper, they would have had no need of stamps to make their deeds legal; nor could they have forced them to have taken all their neceffaries from Britain, when they could have, and make them at home, without reducing them to a state of mere flavery. The ministry on this occafion were much perplexed: They were preffed on the one hand to enforce the law by coercive measures, and on the other hand defired to repeal the ftamp act. The promoters of the ftamp law meant to embarrass the miniftry by perfuading them to ufe violent meafures, and then the reproach would have fallen upon the minifter, and they would have been forgotten in the general odium. On the other hand, the courtiers, and their inftruments were ready to charge them with facrificing the honour of the nation and the dignity of the crown. This miniftry, which has fince gone by the name of the Rockingham miniftry, met with much oppofition in all their proceedings, both from fome popular men, and many of another character; but they pursued fuch measures as gained them |