ful trader was injured, it was not eafy to obtain redrefs; the offenders lived upon an element where juftice and law has often little influence: and when they Icame afhore, it was in bodies too numerous to be called to an account by the civil officers; or in places where their actions were not cognizable by the law, and where they were certain they fhould not meet their accufers. The lords of the admiralty, or of the treasury, in England, could only remove this grievance; but confidering the distance of place, and the manner of application, the whole trade might have been ruined before redress could have been obtained. This was a grievance which the American fubjects felt feverely, aud was likely to produce no favourable ideas in their minds concerning the British legislature. The many unjust acts of violence that happened on this occafion, tended much to irritate the minds of both parties, and when they reprefented their cafes, it was frequently with great acrimony and aggravations. Self interest had a powerful fway on both fides, and the truth was not easily discovered by comparing fuch oppofite reprefentations. The English parliament might have eafily forefeen thefe confequences, had they not been infatuated with the ideas of revenue, and exafperated by fome late irritating events. The majority in the house of commons, but especially the ministry, were yet fmarting fore, from the blows they had received from the North Britain and other political pafquinades. A fecretary of

ftate had been alfo the year before, legally fined in a court of justice in the penalty of a thousand pounds, for iffuing a general warrant, which government was supposed to have disbursed; and confidering the lownefs of the exchequer, every fuch touch increased the painful feelings of the miniftry. They feemed in aftate

of

of diftraction, when they paffed this law of refraint upon the trade of America; and it had more, the ap pearance of an act of political fury, than the marks of judicious legiflation. It could answer, no other purpofes than to affert the dominion of parliament over America, and to irritate the colonies against the mother country. Ever fince the miniftry of Mr Pitt, the nation had been in a frate of confufion, with re gard to political fentiments, and the oppofition in par liament against, Lord Bute, was echoed through al England. In 1763 his lordship,refigned his office as first lord of the treafury, and was fucceeded by Mr Grenville; but the contentions continued, and during this new miniftry, political, animofity came to a great height. It was at this time that the American colonies began to feel the oppreffive hand of the mother coun try. She had not only prevented the Americans from procuring the neceffaries of life, with the fuperfluities of their own country, but obliged them to make pay ment in fpecie to the Exchequer in England for the duty on fuch goods as they were; allowed to trade in This was an effectual method of draining the whole money from the colonies, and leaving them nothing for circulation and what was still more oppreffive, two weeks after the bill now mentioned was paffed, ano, ther was preferred to hinder the diftreffed colonies from fupplying the demand of money for their internal neceffities with paper bills of credit, and that no fuch bills fhould be a legal tender for payment; to this was added that fuch paper bills as were paffing in cur rency fhould after a limited time be called in and funk. This was an exertion of authority beyond all bounds of juftice and equity; for it was impoffible that the Americans without trade, money, or paper credit, could pay any thing at all. It was indeed affirmed that all

:

the

the money raised from the above mentioned duties, was to be applied for defraying the expences of protecting the colonies where it was levied, and that at the fame time that a law was made to restrain the increase of paper currency, several new laws were preferred to encourage and encreafe the commerce of the colonies with the mother country. The laws here referred to were, an act for granting leave for a limited time for carrying rice from the provinces of South Carolina and Georgia to other parts of America, on paying Bri tifh duties:--an act for granting a bounty upon the importation of hemp, and rough and undreffed flax, from the American colonies into Great Britain; and another to encourage the whale fishery on their coafts. All this fuppofed in the firft inftance, that the Americans were either not judges of their own affairs, or that they had no juft or legal right to judge of, or interfere with, their own trade. A more abject and fervile fituation can fcarcely well be imagined, than is implied in this idea. The whole of this proceeding implies that nothing in courfe of trade and commerce was to be allowed to the Americans, except what brought immediate profit, and advantage to GreatBritain. The laws that were at this time made in behalf of the colonies, had no proportion in their influence, as to any advantage, in comparison of thofe reftraints that were laid upon their trade by the other ftatutes. The effects of the one were flow and greffive, but the other was inftantaneous and imme. diately felt. The colonies could not help feeling im. mediately the effects of cramping their domeftic bu finefs, and foreign commerce, by not only hindering them from receiving money from ftrangers, for their fuperfluities, to fupply their immediate calls, but for

pro

bidding

bidding them to make any at home; whereas the laws pretended to compenfate these difadvantages, were both uncertain and remote in their effects; fo diftant that it might be many years before any benefit could arife from them, and might; in conclufion, produce no effect at all. This was a partiality in the legiflature, fufficient to create a jealoufy in the minds of the colonifts, that the parliament of Britain confidered them not as fellow fubjects, but inferior vaffals, not to be regarded in the fame manner as the tubjects of the mother country. A people that are reftained from gaining money by trading with others, and are not permitted to have any of their own, are in fuch a fituation as the conftitution of England to ally difapproves. Unlefs the Americans had lost all fenfe of right and wrong, it was impoffible but they should have confide red thefe acts of the legislature as unjust and oppreffive.

It has been alledged, that the greatest part of the money, if not the whole of it, arifing from thefe duties, would return to the colonies, to pay the troops quartered there for their defence. This is a mere allegation; for if the money collected from duties in America had been intended merely for paying the troops quartered there, there was no occafion to fend it to the British exchequer to risk the danger of feas in fending it back again to America. This would have been a piece of mere wantonnefs, firft to diftrefs the colonies in collecting a revenue, to fhew the power of the British parliament, and then to order the money to be paid to the troops refiding among them. It would have been more easy to have given orders to their affemblies to have paid them at first hand, without fo much risk and unneceffary expence. This was such a trial of the affections of the colonies as was not

the money raised from the above mentioned duties, was to be applied for defraying the expences of protecting the colonies where it was levied, and that at the fame time that a law was made to restrain the increase of paper currency, feveral new laws were preferred to encourage and encreafe the commerce of the colonies with the mother country. The laws here referred to were, an act for granting leave for a limited time for carrying rice from the provinces of South Carolina and Georgia to other parts of America, on paying Bri tifh duties an act for granting a bounty upon the importation of hemp, and rough and undreffed flax, from the American colonies into Great Britain; and another to encourage the whale fishery on their coafts. All this fuppofed in the firft inftance, that the Americans were either not judges of their own affairs, or that they had no juft or legal right to judge of, or interfere with, their own trade. A more abject and fervile fituation can fcarcely well be imagined, than is implied in this idea. The whole of this proceeding implies that nothing in courfe of trade and commerce was to be allowed to the Americans, except what brought immediate profit, and advantage to GreatBritain. The laws that were at this time made in behalf of the colonies, had no proportion in their influence, as to any advantage, in comparifon of thofe reftraints that were laid upon their trade by the other ftatutes. The effects of the one were flow and progreffive, but the other was inftantaneous and immediately felt. The colonies could not help feeling im. mediately the effects of cramping their domeftic bufinefs, and foreign commerce, by not only hindering them from receiving money from ftrangers, for their fuperfluities, to fupply their immediate calls, but for